Afghan Woman Who Feared Deportation Found Dead

An Afghan woman who was under investigation for filing a false asylum claim was found dead last month in an apparent suicide.  Gulalay Bahawdory, 60, grew up in Afghanistan and lived in Europe before coming to the United States and applying for asylum in 2000.

In her asylum application, Ms. Bahawdory apparently used a fake name.  Her husband, Bashir Bahawdory, also a former refugee from Afghanistan, states that she left the United States before receiving a decision in her case.  But ICE says that her case was denied and she was ordered removed from the U.S. in April 2001.  Both the husband and ICE could be correct: Perhaps she left before a decision was reached, and then an IJ ordered her removed in absentia.

In 2004, Ms. Bahawdory returned to the United States based on a marriage petition filed by her husband.  She became a U.S. citizen in 2009.

According to the Taliban, these girls are committing a serious crime.

Ms. Bahawdory lived in Raleigh, North Carolina.  It sounds like she had a good life there with her husband and her adult step children, who thought of her as a best friend.

For some reason, ICE began investigating her case earlier this year.  After the investigation began, Ms. Bahawdory thought of little else, her husband said.  She feared that if she were deported to Afghanistan, she would be harmed or killed by the Taliban or other extremists.

According to an ICE spokesperson, “Mrs. Bahawdory’s prior removal from the United States was discovered when ICE ran the fingerprints she provided for the spousal petition.”  ICE did not say when or why they checked the fingerprints or why it only began investigating her citizenship this year.  Also, no word on why this discrepancy was not discovered earlier.  (After all, what’s the point of taking fingerprints if they don’t reveal issues like this at the time of the application?)

Last month, Ms. Bahawdory’s body was found in a lake in north Raleigh.  Police found her car nearby.  In the car, there were three notes.  One was to her husband, stating that she loved him and knew what she had done was wrong.  She wrote a second note to her attorney, thanking her for doing what she could to help.  The third letter was left for the Raleigh police.  “I love the United States,” Ms. Bahawdory wrote.  “God bless the United States.”

Whatever the cause of death, this is clearly a tragic case.  If, as it appears, Ms. Bahawdory committed suicide for fear of deportation to Afghanistan, her death is doubly tragic.  For one thing, having already attained U.S. citizenship, it is not easy for the U.S. government to revoke that citizenship.  Remember John Demjanjuk?  He was a naturalized U.S. citizen who was convicted of accessory to murder of 27,900 Jews during World War II.  Despite his horrific crimes, it took over 30 years to finally de-naturalize and deport him.  If it took 30 years for a criminal like Mr. Demjanjuk, how long would it have taken for Ms. Bahawdory?

Also, even if her citizenship were revoked, Ms. Bahawdory had several defenses to removal: She could have sought asylum (or lesser forms of humanitarian relief like Withholding of Removal or Torture Convention relief); She might have been eligible for a waiver for the immigration fraud; She might have been eligible for Cancellation of Removal.  In addition, even if she were denied all relief, she could have asked for deferral of removal based on humanitarian grounds.  She certainly would have presented a sympathetic case given her age, her home country, her family ties to the U.S., and (as far as I know) her otherwise clean record.

I can certainly understand why someone–especially a woman from a country like Afghanistan–would feel tremendous stress if she felt she would be deported to her homeland.  But Ms. Bahawdory was a long way from being deported.  If she really did commit suicide because she feared deportation, this is a tragedy that should never have happened.

Thanksgiving: The Anti-Immigration Holiday

Last week, I posted about how Thanksgiving is the quintessential refugee holiday.  I didn’t want to say anything negative about Thanksgiving before the holiday, as that would be a bit of a humbug.  But now, enough time has passed that most of the leftover Turkey is gone, and now I want to write about the more challenging side of the holiday for immigration advocates.  Of course, I speak about the fact that the immigrants in the Thanksgiving scenario (the Europeans) essentially eradicated the original inhabitants of their new country (the Native Americans). 

Europeans were generally not known for being cordial to the Native Americans.

It has always surprised me that more anti-immigration folks don’t use Thanksgiving as an example of what happens when immigration runs amok.  Fifty years after the first Thanksgiving, most of the Wampanoag tribe (the Native Americans who dined with the Pilgrims in 1621) were either dead or sold into slavery.  From an estimated population of 6,600 in 1610, the Wampanoag were reduced to only about 400 individuals by 1677 (they have since recovered somewhat – in 2000, the estimated population was 2,336).  In short, while the first Thanksgiving was lovey-dovey, things didn’t end too well for the native peoples who received the new immigrants.  But this is something we rarely hear about from immigration restrictionists.

I suppose one reason that Thanksgiving is not used by immigration opponents is that it’s not easy to be anti-Thanksgiving.  Thanksgiving is probably the most popular non-religious holiday in the U.S., and to oppose Thanksgiving might seem un-American (in fact, to oppose Thanksgiving is un-American).  Since immigration opponents always seem to be uber patriots, I guess they do not want to be seen opposing the holiday.

Another reason that the holiday is not used against immigrants is that the analogy between European settlers/colonialists and modern-day immigrants really does not stand up.  The settlers of old were not trying to integrate into the indigenous culture; they were trying to conquer it.  Even if–as some restrictionists might argue–modern day immigrants do not integrate into mainstream society, they are clearly not in the same position to conquer our country as the settlers who conquered the New World.  We are much larger and more unified than the pre-Colombian indigenous peoples.  The number of immigrants coming to the U.S. these days is much smaller proportionately than the number of Europeans coming here in the colonial period.  Finally, most Native Americans died from diseases, and–Lou Dobbs notwithstanding–that is not a real threat to us today (at least not because of immigration).  So even if restrictionists wanted to use Thanksgiving as a cautionary tale about too much immigration, the analogy is weak.

Thanksgiving is frequently cited by pro-immigration types (and pro-asylum types like me).  I do think the holiday could be used to raise questions about immigration: How much immigration is good for our country, whether immigrants appropriately integrate into our society, how best to handle people who are here illegally.  But for restrictionists, maybe it is safer and more effective to raise those issues separately from the Thanksgiving holiday.  That’s fine with me, as I am a fan of Thanksgiving.  Now if you’ll excuse me, I know we have some leftover cranberry sauce around here somewhere…

Thanksgiving: The Refugee Holiday

They say that if you have a hammer, every problem is a nail.  In the same way, if you have an asylum blog, every holiday involves asylum.  Last Christmas, I wrote about how Jesus, Mary and Joseph were asylum seekers.  Today, I thought I’d discuss Thanksgiving and refugees.  Maybe next time, I will explain why Arbor Day is an asylum holiday. 

The connection between refugees and Thanksgiving is probably pretty obvious. 

Starting in the late 16th century, a group of Separatists who objected to certain practices of the Church of England faced persecution from ecclesiastic and state authorities.  These people were later called Pilgrims.  As a result of their tenuous situation in England, they migrated to the Netherlands in the first decade of the 17th century.

The Pilgrims were not thrilled with the libertine atmosphere on the Continent, and so they returned to England and then sailed to North America in 1620.  If they were seeking refuge today, the Pilgrim’s return to England (re-availing themselves of the protection of the English government) might very well disqualify them for asylum.  Also, the fact that they were firmly resettled in the Netherlands, and then chose to up and move to America might also disqualify them for asylum.

In any case, after a difficult 65-day journey on the Mayflower, the Pilgrims arrived at Plymouth Rock in November 1620.  That winter was particularly hard, and about 50% of the new settlers died.

Things improved the following year with a good harvest (and with the help of local Indians), and the Pilgrims decided to celebrate–this would be the first Thanksgiving dinner.  Attending the dinner were 53 Pilgrims and 90 Native Americans from the Wampanoag tribe.  The celebration lasted for three days.

After the first Thanksgiving, various public leaders and church officials would declare thanksgiving holidays, but there was no set date for the festival.  Finally in 1789, George Washington proclaimed the first nation-wide thanksgiving celebration, but the holiday was still not regularized. 

In 1863, during the height of the Civil War, President Lincoln declared that Thanksgiving would be celebrated on the last Thursday in November (and here I must mention Sarah Joseph Hale, a tireless crusader who helped make Thanksgiving a national holiday (and who wrote the nursery rhyme Mary Had a Little Lamb)).

In 1941, Franklin Roosevelt signed a bill making Thanksgiving the fourth Thursday in November.  Thus, the holiday achieved its present form.

I’ve noticed that many new immigrants to the U.S. celebrate Thanksgiving.  Because it is a holiday for giving thanks and for success in the New World, it is perhaps the quintessential immigrant holiday.  And while some have criticized the holiday as glossing over the effect of colonialism on native peoples (including the Wampanoag), the first Thanksgiving was a moment when two very different cultures encountered each other and dined together in peace.  This, to me, is the true spirit of the holiday.  Happy Thanksgiving. 

Gay Rights and the UN: One Step Back, One Step Forward

Sexual orientation is all about identity: Are you gay or straight or bi or trans or questioning or something else?  It seems that the United Nations has some identity issues of its own when it comes to LGBT rights.    

This past September, a “traditional values” resolution sponsored by Russia passed in the UN Human Rights Counsel, 25-15, with seven abstentions (the U.S. voted against).  The text of the resolution and a list of countries and their votes can be found here.  The resolution reaffirms that “everyone is entitled to the rights and freedoms… without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”  The basic problem is that this list purposefully omits the reference to sexual orientation.  Thus (as usual), the term “traditional values” is code for “anti-gay.”  

The UN has a split personality when it comes to gay rights.

While this particular resolution will probably have little effect, I fear it is an unfortunate bellwether of member states’ positions on LGBT rights and protecting LGBT refugees.  As an aside, my first job as a practicing lawyer was at Catholic Community Services in New Jersey.  I remember being surprised that the Catholic Church–which generally opposes gay rights–was assisting gay asylum seekers.  When you think about it, this is not entirely inconsistent: While the Church opposes gay rights, it also opposes persecution of gay people.  My concern with the UN resolution is that it might be a harbinger of something more sinister–the contraction of protection for people facing persecution on account of their sexual orientation (in 2008, the UN recognized that sexual orientation was a basis for protection under the Refugee Convention).  

But as you might have guessed from the title of this piece, the news from the UN is not all bad. 

Late last month, UNHCR issued new guidelines concerning claims to refugee status based on sexual orientation and gender identity.  The guidelines state:

A proper analysis as to whether a LGBTI applicant is a refugee under the 1951 Convention needs to start from the premise that applicants are entitled to live in society as who they are and need not hide that.  As affirmed by the position adopted in a number of jurisdictions, sexual orientation and/or gender identity are fundamental aspects of human identity that are either innate or immutable, or that a person should not be required to give up or conceal.

The guidelines recognize persecution by governments, society, and family members, and also note that laws criminalizing homosexuality can rise to the level of persecution.

The guidelines also make recommendations concerning refugee status determinations for LGBT applicants.  Most of the recommendations seem like common sense, but I think they are helpful and–given the sentiments of many UN member states concerning LGBT people–worth repeating.  The recommendations include:

– An open and reassuring environment is often crucial to establishing trust between the interviewer and applicant
– Interviewers and decision makers need to maintain an objective approach so that they do not reach conclusions based on stereotypical, inaccurate or inappropriate perceptions of LGBTI individuals
– The interviewer and the interpreter must avoid expressing, whether verbally or through body language, any judgement about the applicant’s sexual orientation, gender identity, sexual behavior or relationship pattern
– Specialized training on the particular aspects of LGBTI refugee claims for decision makers, interviewers, interpreters, advocates and legal representatives is crucial
– Specific requests made by applicants in relation to the gender of interviewers or interpreters should be considered favorably
– Questioning about incidents of sexual violence needs to be conducted with the same sensitivity as in the case of any other sexual assault victims

The U.S. government is ahead of the game in this matter.  In January 2012, USCIS (with help from Immigration Equality) issued a training module to help Asylum Officers with LGBT cases.

So it seems that the UN is of two minds about LGBT rights.  There is no doubt that many countries and societies violently oppress and murder people just because of their sexual orientation.  For their sake, I hope the progressive states continue to pressure the UN to move forward on LGBT issues.

DOJ Inspector General Cares About Quantity, Not Quality, of Immigration Court Decisions

A new Inspector General report criticizes EOIR for the quantity of cases completed, but totally ignores the quality of EOIR’s work.  The 74-page report by DOJ Inspector General Michael Horowitz finds that data from Immigration Courts overstates case completion rates and that the Courts are too slow.  The report also makes recommendations, such as developing guidelines for when Immigration Judges should grant continuances.

Mr. V demonstrates why quality is more important than quantity.

I’ve reviewed the report, and I can safely say that it was a complete waste of time (both my time and the time of the poor sod who prepared it) and tax payer money (both mine and yours).  For that reason, I won’t waste additional time discussing what’s in the report (and if you want to see a substantive critique of the report, check out TRAC Immigration).  However, I want to discuss what’s not in the report.

Actually, before I get to that, I want to further trash this report.  It is frankly offensive that the Office of Inspector General (“OIG”) would issue a report about quantity without discussing quality.  If the OIG’s only concern is completing cases quickly, why not just deny all the cases now and be done with it?  Why bother with due process or equal protection?  Why bother to have a Department of Justice at all?  We can simply rename it the Department of “Just ICE” and then deport everyone.  Done and done.

And now, for what’s not in the report.

First, you would think that anyone preparing a report about IJs or BIA Board Members would have sought input from people who practice before the Immigration Courts and the BIA.  Bar associations regularly survey their members about the quality of judges, so why can’t the OIG (or EOIR) survey private attorneys, non-profit organizations, and DHS attorneys about their experience with IJs and the BIA?  Such information would be very helpful in assessing both the quality and the quantity of EOIR’s work product.

Second, the report does not tell us whether IJs or the BIA are doing a good job deciding cases.  This seems to me the single most important part of the Judges’ and Board Members’ jobs.  One way to measure the quality of IJ and BIA decisions is to look at the reversal rates for those decisions.  To me–and this is an issue I’ve harped on before–one relatively easy way to reduce reversal rates is to provide more guidance to decision-makers.  The BIA can do this by publishing more decisions.

Finally, the report fails to acknowledge the connection between quantity and quality.  Immigration cases are often complex.  Aliens (and DHS attorneys) seek continuances for valid reasons.  In order to reach a just result in many cases, continuances are needed.  In the asylum context, for example, continuances are sometimes necessary to allow the alien more time to find a lawyer (the success rate for unrepresented aliens is much lower than for represented aliens).  Thus, in Immigration Court, justice delayed is not always justice denied.  Sometimes, it is simply justice.

Perhaps I am being a bit too hard on the OIG.  It is certainly possible to help improve EOIR by examining the quantity of its decisions and the accuracy of its reporting.  But when the OIG has failed to address the quality of EOIR’s work and instead issues a comprehensive report basically telling EOIR to hurry up, it seems to me that the OIG’s priorities are not where they should be.

Russian Artist Exposes Gay Asylum Seekers

In his native Russia, artist and filmmaker Alexander Kargaltsev was beaten by police at a gay pride event and detained after he left a gay club.  He came to the U.S. in 2010 and received asylum in 2011.  Last week, Mr. Kargaltsev held his first solo exhibit at a new gallery, called 287 Spring, in downtown Manhattan (which hopefully is not now under water).

The exhibit is entitled “Asylum” and consists of large photos, each depicting a nude gay or bisexual Russian man, with New York City shown in the background.  The men have stern expressions, and many were photographed provocatively in public areas, such as Central Park.  Under each photo is a caption: “Granted Asylum” or “Asylum Pending.”

The artist, strategically placed in front of one of his photos.

According to curator Ivan Savvine, “The models’ nakedness is a powerful visual statement imbued with symbolism.  They are not nude but naked, for they had courage to shed the many layers of fear and come out to the world uncovered, vulnerable, yet proud.”  He continues, “Their naked bodies thus also reveal their experience as refugees, for every person seeking refuge rebuilds his or her life completely ‘naked,’ starting from scratch with no family or friends and often without the language they can speak or understand.”

As a humble immigration lawyer who received most of his artistic training from Bill Alexander, I can’t help but find this type of artist speak a bit pretentious.  Also, I really can’t imagine many of my clients posing nude in public (and–no offense to my clients–I don’t want to imagine it).  But I suppose Mr. Kargaltsev’s exhibit raises some interesting points.

I agree with the idea that refugees start their lives over “naked.”  But to me, the more interesting analogy between asylum seekers and nakedness is the idea of exposing one’s past history to the scrutiny of an Asylum Officer or an Immigration Judge (not to mention to the asylum seeker’s own lawyer).  Depending on the person, and on the problems he faced in the home country, relating the story of past persecution can be humiliating and traumatic.

I have represented rape victims and torture victims.  When such people apply for asylum, they need to tell these stories.  Sometimes, people do not behave honorably under the threat of persecution.  They need to relate those stories as well.  I remember one client who fled his home when government soldiers broke in to look for him.  He left his wife and children behind.  My client had to explain this to the Immigration Judge, which was extremely difficult for him to do.  This is the type of “exposure” I think about when I think of refugees.  And in some ways, it is similar to exposing oneself naked before the camera, flaws and all.

Mr. Kargaltsev’s photos are of gay asylum seekers from Russia.  The photos I’ve seen depict good-looking young men whose nudity is nothing to be ashamed of.  In my experience, the exposure endured by asylum seekers is a lot less attractive than Mr. Kargaltsev’s images.  While Mr. Kargaltsev’s photos certainly add to the dialogue about issues faced by asylum seekers, in my opinion they gloss over the ugly truths about refugees and the pain that they have endured.  A more realistic and challenging exhibit in this vein would be less pleasant to look at, but more useful to understanding the real lives of refugees.

How to Hire an Immigration Lawyer Who Won’t Rip You Off

I’ve written previously about the poor state of the immigration bar.  And while there are–unfortunately–too many bad lawyers, there are many excellent ones.  The question is, for an immigrant unfamiliar with the American legal system, how can you distinguish between the good and bad?  In other words, how do you find a lawyer who will assist you, and not just take your money?  Below are some hints that might be helpful:

If your lawyer wears a cape, that is probably a good sign.

– Bar complaints: Complaints against lawyers are often a matter of public record.  So you can contact the local bar association (a mandatory organization for all lawyers) to ask whether a potential attorney is a member of the bar and whether she has any disciplinary actions.  You can also look on the list of disciplined attorneys provided by the Executive Office for Immigration Review (“EOIR”).  Sometimes, good attorneys are disciplined, but if an attorney has gotten into trouble withe the Bar, it would be helpful to know why.

– Referral from non-profits: Most areas of the country have non-profit organizations that help immigrants (EOIR provides lists of such organizations here).  While these organizations are often unable to take cases (due to limited capacity), they usually have referral lists of attorneys.  I would generally trust the local non-profits for recommendations, as they know the lawyers and know their reputations. 

– Referrals from friends: Most people who hire me were referred by an existing or former client.  However, from the immigrant’s point of view, I do not think that this is the best way to find a lawyer.  They say that a million monkeys with a million typewriters, typing for a million years will eventually write a novel.  It is the same with bad immigration lawyers.  Once in a while, they actually win a case (usually through no fault of their own).  The lucky client then refers other people.  I suppose a recommendation from a friend is better than nothing, but it would not be my preferred way to find a lawyer.

– Instinct: If you think your attorney is not doing a good job, he probably isn’t.  Attorneys are busy people, and they may not be as responsive as you might like, but if your attorney never returns calls and is never available to meet with you, that is a problem.  Also, if your attorney seems unprepared in court, that is obviously a bad sign.  If you are having doubts about your attorney, nothing prevents you from consulting with a different lawyer for a second opinion.

Hiring a lawyer can be tricky, especially for someone who is unfamiliar with the American legal system.  Given that the quality of lawyers varies so much, it is worth while to spend some time investigating a lawyer before you hire him.  That is the best way to protect yourself and (hopefully) ensure that you receive the legal assistance that you need.

New Canadian Law Attempts to Block Bogus Refugees

Canada is preparing to implement the Protecting Canada’s Immigration System Act later this year.  The law is ostensibly designed to protect Canada’s refugee law by weeding out false asylum claimants.  The provisions of the new law include the following:

– The immigration minister would have the power to designate which countries are safe without a committee including human rights experts.

– Rejected refugee claimants from “safe” countries would no longer be able to appeal the decision to the Immigration and Refugee Board (the administrative body that reviews asylum claims).

– Claimants from countries on the safe country list would have limited appeals rights and limited ability to apply for compassionate or humanitarian relief.

The law seems primarily targeted at the Roma (a/k/a Gypsies) who have been coming to Canada from Hungary in large numbers and requesting asylum.  According to the Canadian Immigration Minister, “almost 95 percent of Hungarian asylum claims [are] abandoned, withdrawn or rejected.”  The Minister states that “Countries whose nationals have an acceptance rate of 25% or less, or where 60% or more of claimants from a country have abandoned or withdrawn their claims … would be subject to designation” as a safe country, thus making it more difficult for them to successfully claim asylum.

Under the new Canadian law, Mexico is “safe.”

My first question about this new law is whether it is necessary.  Under the current system, people who can return safely will presumably have their cases denied anyway.  The new law is designed to streamline the system to allow people from certain countries to be deported more quickly.  Also, if people from “safe” countries know that their claims will likely be denied, they may decide not to seek asylum in Canada in the first place.  Proponents of the law claim that all this will save government resources.  But I wonder how many people will actually be dissuaded from coming and–for those who do seek asylum–how much money the government will actually save under the new, streamlined system.  Currently, 95% of asylum claimants from Hungary are unsuccessful, yet Hungarians keep coming to Canada.  If the current (very high) denial rate does not dissuade people from coming, how will the new law?  Further, those who seek asylum from “safe” countries are still entitled to certain procedures and benefits.  It is unclear how much the Canadian government will save by marginally reducing the protections available to such asylum seekers.

Assuming the law is needed, how effective will it be?  The idea of determining in advance whether a country is safe seems antithetical to international refugee law.  Someone once said that no country is safe for everyone all the time.  If 95% of Roma claims are denied, what type of harm do the remaining 5% face?  Also, just because a country has a low overall denial rate for asylum claims does not mean that it is safe.  To cite an example from our side of the border, the denial rate for Mexicans is quite high (about 98%), but certain people from Mexico–journalists and human rights activists–face real danger there.  Another example–while the overall asylum grant rate for Jamaicans is low, the grant for Jamaicans claiming asylum based on sexual orientation is relatively high.  My point is that designating a country “safe” just because the overall grant rate is low will likely result in legitimate asylum seekers being rejected and returned to face persecution. 

Despite these (and other) doubts, the Protecting Canada’s Immigration System Act will go into effect shortly.  We will then start to get a clearer idea of whether the law will save resources and how it will affect asylum seekers.

Failed Asylum Seeker Stuck in Samoa

Mikhail Sebastian is an Armenian from Azerbaijan who came to the United States on a Soviet passport in 1995.  After the break-up of the U.S.S.R., neither Armenia nor Azerbaijan would take him, and Mr. Sebastian ended up stateless. 

While in Samoa, beware the Wild Samoans (shown here with the late, great Cap’t Lou)!

He filed for asylum in the U.S., but his claim was ultimately denied (in 2002) and he was ordered removed.  The U.S. immigration authorities took Mr. Sebastian into custody, but after six months, he was released because there was no country that would accept him.  As with other people who cannot be deported, DHS issued Mr. Sebastian a work permit.  He was allowed to remain in the United States, but he did not have permission to travel abroad and then return.

According to a recent article in Salon, Mr. Sebastian has attempted to satisfy his urge to travel by visiting the most exotic American destinations he can find, including Guam, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii.  To facilitate his travels, he has a  “World Passport” from the World Service Authority, which purports to be a global-governmental organization.  A World Passport is a document that is supposed to confer world citizenship and allow travel.  I have some limited experience with the World Passport, and while I think it’s a nice idea, I would not feel confident to use it as a travel document.  Worse, I think their website is a bit misleading.  They claim that many countries accept the World Passport.  While many countries may have accepted the passport once or twice (possibly by mistake), most countries do not generally accept the passport for immigration purposes.

In any case, as part of his overseas travel in U.S. territory, Mr. Sebastian took a vacation to American Samoa, an unincorporated territory (whatever that means) of the United States.  His big mistake seems to have been flying over to plain old Samoa, which is an independent country.  Even if he had not traveled to Samoa, the trip to American Samoa required passing through customs, and when immigration authorities checked him before allowing him to return to the mainland (and saw the World Passport), they found that he had an old removal order.  As a result, he was not permitted to board the return flight, and he has been stranded in American Samoa ever since.

The Department of Homeland Security issued a statement about Mr. Sebastian:

In 2002, an immigration judge with the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR) ordered Sebastian to depart the United States. At that time, he was not in ICE custody as the agency had deferred action on his removal. In the meantime, he had been granted employment authorization. In December 2011 when Mr. Sebastian traveled to American Samoa and Samoa, he was prohibited from returning to the United States due to the immigration judge’s order.

So for the last 10 months, Mr. Sebastian has been stuck waiting for DHS to allow him to return to the mainland, and there is no end to his ordeal in sight.  Mr. Sebastian has been writing about his predicament, and you can read more about him in his own words here.  It seems he spends most of his time at the local McDonald’s, which has air conditioning and internet access.

His case is particularly strange in that he is actually in U.S.-controlled territory, but he is not allowed to return to the mainland.  If nothing else, Mr. Sebastian’s story serves as a cautionary tale.  If you have some type of deferred action, withholding of removal or Torture Convention relief, you are better off not pushing the limits by traveling to American “territories.”  It seems that Mr. Sebastian’s case is receiving some high-level attention, so likely it will be resolved at some point.  But I am quite certain that after 10 months in Samoa, he wishes he had never taken his vacation in the first place.

The Asylum Affidavit, Part 3: TMI

This is the final (and much delayed)  installment in a series about preparing a client’s asylum affidavit.  I previously wrote about the importance of including enough detail to support a claim.  Today I want to discuss how to provide details about sensitive topics, like rape or the murder of a loved one.

Immigration Judges love reading well crafted affidavits.

For obvious reasons, most asylum applications involving discussing unpleasant events.  However, some events are more unpleasant than others.  For example, I worked on a case where my client witnessed the murder of her mother and siblings during a genocide in her country.  At the time of these murders, my client was just 11 years old.  In another case, a client was arrested while returning from a political rally.  While she was in custody, two policemen raped her.  In a third case, my client quit his political party and, in a revenge attack, he was shot six times and left for dead.

This is pretty horrific stuff, so how do you present these event in a credible manner without forcing the clients to re-live their trauma?

First, I think it is helpful if the client understands why he needs to explain the painful aspects of his case.  I am no expert, but I believe that when a client is educated about the requirements for asylum, he feels more in control of his case and this might make it easier for him to talk about past trauma. 

Second, it is important to establish a rapport with the client so she feels comfortable and safe discussing difficult issues.  While this may seem like a no-brainer, it is often difficult for busy attorneys to spend the extra time our clients need to make sure they are comfortable.

Third, it is often not necessary to provide a lot of detail about a traumatic event in order to establish past persecution.  For example, in my case–where the political activist was raped by the police while returning from a demonstration–we provided details about her political involvement, the demonstration, and her detention.  When it came to the actual rape, we stated that the police raped her, but we provided no further details about the incident.  If she has established her credibility and the fact finder believes that she has been raped, that is enough to prove past persecution.  USCIS has some good training materials for Asylum Officers, which discuss this point:

The asylum officer can elicit sufficient detail to establish credibility and gain an understanding of the basis of the claim without probing too deeply into all the details of a painful experience.

This is a key point–it is not necessary to provide all the details about an event like a rape.  The fact that the person was raped is, in-and-of-itself, sufficient to show past persecution.

Finally, and to their credit, Asylum Officers, DHS Trial Attorneys, and Immigration Judges tend to be very sensitive to an alien’s trauma.  I tell my clients about this, as I believe it helps reduce the level of intimidation and makes it easier for them to discuss their history.

While it is probably not possible to prepare a case without discussing traumatic events to some extent, it is possible–and important–to minimize the secondary trauma our clients suffer while preparing their asylum applications.

Former U.S. Marine Seeks Asylum in Russia

A former Marine who claims to have exposed clandestine U.S. support for the Republic of Georgia in its 2008 war with Russia has requested political asylum in Russia.  U.S. citizen Patrick Downey first sought asylum in Ireland, where his case was denied–as he puts it–by Ireland’s first ever Jewish Minister for Justice, Equality and Defense.  He then “fled” to Russia (after visiting the U.S. for his brother’s wedding), where his asylum case is currently pending.

Patrick Downey (right) is seeking asylum in Russia.

Pravda reports that while living in Georgia in 2007 and teaching English to Georgian billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, Mr. Downey “obtained documents” indicating that a U.S.-controlled bank transferred $12 million to Mr. Ivanishvili.  Mr. Ivanishvili, in turn, used the money to fund “anti-Russian activities” prior to and during the Russian-Georgian war.  Mr. Downey tried to publicize this “sensational material” in the U.S., but no one was interested.  However, his activities supposedly brought him to the attention of the U.S. government, which gave him the code name “Trouble Man” and tried to “neutralize” him.  Mr. Downey told Pravda, “I began to feel that it was simply dangerous for me to be in the U.S.”

Hence, he fled to Ireland and now Russia.

While I must admit that I am skeptical of Mr. Downey’s claims (and I am not thrilled by his antisemitism), the fact that he is currently receiving publicity from a Russian newspaper is significant.  On October 1st, Mr. Ivanishvili’s political party won parliamentary elections in Georgia, and he is likely to become the country’s new Prime Minister.  As such, the timing of the article about Mr. Downey–and his claims of a secret anti-Russian alliance between the U.S. and Georgia–has broader implications. 

Is Russia trying to intimidate Georgia?  Is it trying to send a signal to the United States to keep away?  Is Pravda simply writing an interesting story about an American seeking asylum in Russia?  I have no idea.  But it seems to me, if the Russian government is trying to send some type of message by publicizing Mr. Downey’s case, the message is not a friendly one.  

It will be interesting to see what the Russian government does with Mr. Downey.  Russia grants less than 5% of asylum cases, so if his case is approved, it might indicate more trouble ahead for Russian-Georgian and Russian-U.S. relations.  As for Mr. Downey, if his case is granted, his hopes are the same as those of other asylum seekers around the world: “I will live!  I will get married.  I do not want to fight, do not want to constantly be afraid.  I want a family and a home.  I hope that this is what I will get.”

DHS Ombudsman on Unaccompanied Child Asylum Seekers

The DHS Office of the Ombudsman recently issued formal recommendations for the treatment of unaccompanied minor asylum seekers.  The report is entitled Ensuring a Fair and Effective Asylum Process for Unaccompanied Alien Children.

In 2008, the law was changed so that review of unaccompanied child asylum cases was shifted from EOIR (the Immigration Courts) to USCIS (William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act).  The Ombudsman’s recommendations address problems with the implementation of the new law.

Statistics about the number of unaccompanied child asylum applicants are hard to come by.  According to the DHS Yearbook on Immigration Statistics, in FY 2011, there were 76 children under age 16 granted asylum and a total of 569 people under age 19 granted asylum.  These figures do not include dependent children.   Also, these are the number of asylum applications granted.  I did not find information about the number of denied asylum cases for unaccompanied children.

A USCIS employee works on writing regulations.

The Ombudsman’s recommendations touch on a number of problems, including redetermining unaccompanied alien child (“UAC”) status, difficulty rescheduling UAC interviews, inadequate methods and approaches to adjudication, and the failure of USCIS to issue regulations concerning UAC cases.  The Ombudsman made the following recommendations:

  1. Accept jurisdiction of UAC cases referred by the Executive Office for Immigration Review.
  2. Accept jurisdiction of cases filed by children in federal custody under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 
  3. Follow established UAC-specific procedures, expand implementation of certain best practices, and enlist clinical experts for quality assurance and training. 
  4. Limit Headquarters review to a process that can be managed within 30 days.
  5. Issue as soon as possible regulations regarding the UAC asylum process.

I want to comment on two of these recommendations.  First, the always exciting issue of jurisdiction.  It seems that the current procedure is for EOIR or CBP (Customs and Border Protection) to make a determination that the alien is an unaccompanied child asylum seeker.  Once that determination is made, the alien’s case is transferred to USCIS.  The USCIS Asylum Office then re-determines whether the alien is an unaccompanied child.  Essentially, the child–who may not have any documentation or other evidence about her age–is forced to prove that she is a child during two separate interviews.  If she fails to do so, potentially her case will be bounced back to EOIR, which has already determined that it does not have jurisdiction.  This seems like a potential problem for the alien; not mention a waste of resources for the government.

The second issue, which is probably more problematic, is the Ombudsman’s recommendation that USCIS issue regulations implementing the 2008 law.  Four years after the law was passed, USCIS has still not issued regulations concerning unaccompanied child asylum seekers.  This reminds me of the failure to issue regulations for the Violence Against Women Act (“VAWA”).  For years, immigration attorneys used an informal application process for VAWA cases because no regulations were issued.  Although I understand that issuing regulations can be complicated, I don’t see why it should take years.  Regulations are important to help guide adjudicators and attorneys, and to ensure fairness.  Of course, the Ombudsman cannot compel USCIS to issue regulations, but I would have liked to see a stronger statement about this problem.

Overall, the Ombudsman’s recommendations seem sensible.  Hopefully, USCIS will take its own advice and implement the recommendations promptly.

EOIR Bans Art in Immigration Court

The Arlington Immigration Court recently relocated from Ballston to Crystal City, Virginia.  The new court is bigger and has public bathrooms (a BIG improvement for the bladder-impaired).  It is also totally devoid of art.

One of many walls in the Arlington Immigration Court.

For those of us who practice before the Arlington Court, the bare walls feel a bit strange.  The old court had portraits of the founding fathers, various presidents, and some of our founding documents.  You could also see busts and paintings of various presidents inside the courtrooms.  One IJ, now retired, was known for her husband’s paintings (mostly flowers), which adorned her courtroom walls.  

In stark contrast, you’re lucky to find a light switch on the walls of the new court.  Now, you might be thinking, “The Court just opened, so they haven’t yet had time to decorate.”  Not so.  I asked around about the barren landscape.  The word on the street is that courtrooms and waiting areas can no longer be “personalized.”  This means no art.  I contacted the Executive Office for Immigration Review (“EOIR” – the agency that administers the Immigration Courts) for clarification.  Their response:

As EOIR is one adjudicative agency with 59 immigration court locations throughout the nation, we strive to maintain uniform public spaces throughout our facilities.  As with other federal agencies, private spaces such as judges’ chambers and individual office space may be personalized within reasonable boundaries.

In this context, “uniform public spaces” means no wall art.  I suppose I understand the reasoning.  For one thing, if you allow any art, it is hard to control what ends up on the wall.  If EOIR allows a portrait of Abe Lincoln, must they also allow a portrait of anti-immigration president Warren G. Harding?  What about a portrait of presidential candidate (and anti-immigrant crusader) Pat Buchanan?  

Also, what about images that might not be culturally sensitive to the aliens appearing before the Court?  Much as Attorney General John Ashcroft covered a bare-breasted statue in the Justice Department, might some playboy IJ seek to fill a courtroom with inappropriate images?

Given all the potential pitfalls, it is easier to completely ban art in the courtroom than to allow art and then try to regulate it.

All the same, I am not a fan of this policy.  I liked going into courtrooms filled with paintings and statues.  I prefer a “personalized” courtroom (and waiting room) to an antiseptic one.  There is something ennobling about practicing law in a room filled with historic and patriotic images.

Also, while I see the need for IJs to avoid the appearance of impropriety, it is actual impropriety that concerns me.  If some IJ adores Warren G. Harding (and there are good reasons to), why not put up his photo?  I trust that the IJ will make a determination on the merits of each case, and that a picture of President Harding does not indicate an anti-immigration bias.  If we trust IJs to make decisions that will profoundly affect people’s lives, we should trust them to use some common sense in their courtroom decor.

I described the new courtroom ambiance to an asylee friend.  She feels that the bare walls and lack of art would be “intimidating.”

Maybe I am making too big a deal about this.  But there is a long history of art in courtrooms–it benefits the judges, the lawyers, and the litigants.  And while I sympathize with the reasons for EOIR’s decision, I think that the benefits of allowing art in court greatly outweigh the dangers.  To quote George Bernard Shaw: “Without art, the crudeness of reality would make the world unbearable.”

Somali Woman Wins Nansen Refugee Award

The Nansen Refugee Award has been called the “Nobel Prize for refugee workers.”  The award is bestowed annually on a person or group that has “provided extraordinary and dedicated service to the forcibly displaced.”  Past honorees include Senator Edward Kennedy, Medecins Sans Frontiers, and Eleanor Roosevelt.

The award is named for Fridtjof Nansen, a polar explorer, diplomat, and the High Commissioner for Refugees for the League of Nations (the precursor to the UN) from 1920 to 1930.  Mr. Nansen helped hundreds of thousands of refugees return home or resettle in new countries after World War I.  He also organized a relief effort to help famine victims in Russia in 1921 and 1922.  For his efforts in Russia, Mr. Nansen received the 1922 Nobel Peace Prize.

Funny how the people with the toughest jobs often have the biggest smiles.

This year’s honoree is Hawa Aden Mohamed, who has helped thousands of displaced women and girls in Somalia.  Ms. Mohamed, who is widely known as Mama Hawa, escaped violence in Somalia and was a refugee in Kenya, the U.S., and Canada.  She left the (relative) comfort of Canada in 1995 and returned to Somalia, where she established the Galkayo Education Centre for Peace and Development.  Through this organization, she has worked to secure women’s rights and bring free schooling, health care, and skills training to nine communities in the Mudug region of Somalia.

In the early days of the Education Centre, it was attacked with rocks, grenades and gunfire.  Its gate was bombed.  But Mama Hawa and her colleagues did not give up.  “We persevered,” she recalled, “and slowly we convinced the elders and the women that what we were doing was for the benefit of the community.”

Today the Education Centre teaches girls and women to see themselves as full members of society who possess fundamental human rights.  It openly addresses the issues of female genital cutting, puberty, early marriage, sexual and gender-based violence, and HIV/AIDS.  It prepares women to play an active role in achieving peace, reconciliation, democracy, and development in their country.

Mama Hawa will receive the Nansen Award on October 1st in Geneva.  If you find yourself in the neighborhood, the ceremony looks to be worth attending.  If you would like to learn more about Mama Hawa and her organization, or if you would like to contribute to her worthy cause, you can do so here.

When Asylees Return Home

In the old days, when a person immigrated to the United States, he would probably never return home or see his family again.  For example, when my Great-Grandfather David came to the U.S. from Russia in 1904, he left behind his parents and six siblings.  He never saw them again, and as far as we know, they and their families died in the Holocaust. 

Today, it’s a different story.  It’s much easier to remain in contact with the homeland and to return for a visit.  However, for people who have received asylum in the United States, return to the home country may result in the termination of their status. See INA § 208(c)(2).

Sorry, asylees. Missing grandma’s cooking is probably not a valid excuse for returning to your home country.

Despite the possibility of termination, my clients who have received asylum sometimes need to return home.  There are different reasons for this–some want to visit sick relatives or help relatives who are in trouble.  Others are political activists or journalists, and they want to return home to continue their activities.  A few of my clients from Afghanistan wanted to return to their country as interpreters with the U.S. military. 

In cases like these, I explain the legal consequences of returning to the home country so that the client can weigh the risk of losing asylum status against her desire to go home.

The provision for termination of asylum,  INA § 208(c)(2), states:

Asylum… does not convey a right to remain permanently in the United States, and may be terminated if the Attorney General determines that… the alien has voluntarily availed himself or herself of the protection of the alien’s country of nationality.

It’s clear from this provision that the AG does not have to terminate asylum if the alien returns to her country (“Asylum… may be terminated”).  Also, return to the country in-and-of itself may not be a sufficient basis for termination if the alien has not “voluntarily availed himself or herself of the protection of the [home] country.” 

So in the above examples, there is room to argue that the clients have not voluntarily availed themselves of the protection of the home country.  In the case of an alien who returns home to help a relative, perhaps he entered the country surreptitiously and remained in hiding during his time there.  Evidence that the alien’s journey home was clandestine might help to counter an attempt to terminate asylum (asylum may be terminated if DHS shows by a “preponderance of the evidence” that the alien voluntarily availed himself of the protection his country – 8 C.F.R. 208.24).

In the example of a political activist who returns to her country to engage in political activity, she can argue that she did not avail herself of the protection of her country.  On the contrary, she challenged her country’s government and put herself at risk to do so.

In the case of an alien who returns to his country to work for (or serve in) the U.S. military, that alien has not availed himself of the protection of his country.  Rather, he is being protected by the U.S. military.

In all these examples, the alien is able to argue that he or she has not “voluntarily availed himself or herself of the protection of the alien’s country of nationality.”  The alien in each case could also appeal to the Attorney General not to terminate asylum as a matter of discretion.  In these cases, the aliens have returned to their country for good reasons.  In some cases, the reason for returning might be in the interest of the U.S. government.  Under such circumstances, the AG might agree not to terminate asylum as a matter of discretion.

Although asylees who return home can sometimes make decent arguments against termination, they put themselves at risk of losing their status.  For this reason, any asylee considering a return trip should think carefully about the potential consequences.  At a minimum, the alien should gather as much evidence as possible to show that she has not voluntarily availed herself of the protection of her country.  She would also do well to consult an attorney.