Negative Judicial Metaphors Harm Immigrants

by Jason Dzubow

A recent article in the Fordham Law Review posits that negative metaphors used by judges to describe immigrants contribute to negative public perceptions of immigrants and lead to adverse judicial decisions. 

Before now, I never metaphor that I didn't like.

In Alien Language: Immigration Metaphors and the Jurisprudence of Otherness, Keith Cunningham-Parmeter discusses different metaphors used in judicial decisions related to immigration.  The most common metaphors can be classified into three categories: (1) Immigrants are aliens; (2) Immigrants are a flood; and (3) Immigrants are invaders.  Each of these metaphors carries negative associations–for example, floods cause us to drown; invaders try to kill us.  Employing these metaphors, writes Mr. Cunningham-Parmeter, affects how we think about immigrants, which in turn affects judicial decisions.

One set of figures cited in the article struck me as particularly noteworthy—In examining 4,200 federal cases related to immigration, Mr. Cunningham-Parmeter found that the phrase most commonly used to describe immigrants was “illegal alien:”

“[I]llegal alien” was “by far the most common term, appearing in 69% of opinions (2905 cases).  No other term appeared in more than 10% of opinions, except “undocumented alien,” which accounted for 16% of the results in 670 cases.  

It seems likely that the overwhelming use of negative metaphors for immigrants would impact how judges think about people who are in the U.S. illegally.  This, of course, could result in more adverse decisions.  

To counter these negative metaphors, Mr. Cunningham-Parmeter proposes some positive metaphors; words that connote entrepreneurial economic migrants (i.e., people with the get-up-and-go necessary to cross borders and start new, productive lives):

[M]igrants are neither criminals nor invaders, but instead people who cross international borders in order to survive.  As such, the economic sanctuary metaphor brings focus to the human consequence of globalization.

I certainly appreciate the effort to de-stigmatize immigrants (and in writing this blog post, I find myself avoiding the term “alien,” a term of art defined in the INA, but also a metaphor with negative connotations).  In the end, though, I am skeptical that we can replace existing metaphors with something more benign.  There is a tribal aspect to these metaphors that is deeply ingrained.  We do tend to view outsiders as “invaders” and as a threat.  Maybe that is just the way of human nature.  Or, hopefully, I am wrong, and Mr. Cunningham-Parmeter’s article will help plant a seed that will lead to a more positive—and constructive—view of people who immigrate to the United States.

Continue reading

The BIA on Firm Resettlement

by Jason Dzubow

Under the Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”) an alien who is “firmly resettled” in a third country is ineligible for asylum in the United States. See INA § 208(b)(2)(A)(vi); see also 8 C.F.R. § 1208.15.

If Angelina Jolie shows up, it probably means you are not firmly resettled.

It’s been more than 20 years since the BIA issued an opinion on firm resettlement, and during that period, the various federal circuit courts have weighed in, creating a patchwork of inconsistent law across the U.S.  In a new decision, Matter of A-G-G-, 25 I&N Dec. 486 (BIA May 12, 2011), the Board has issued important guidance concerning firm resettlement.

The BIA held that the Department of Homeland Security has the initial burden to make a prima facie showing of an offer of firm resettlement by presenting direct evidence of an alien’s ability to stay indefinitely in a third country.  When direct evidence is unavailable, indirect evidence may be used if it has a sufficient level of clarity and force to establish that the alien is able to permanently reside in the country.  An asylum applicant can rebut this evidence by showing by a preponderance of the evidence that such an offer has not been made or that the applicant’s circumstances would render him or her ineligible for such an offer of permanent residence.

The failure to apply for permanent residence where it is available to an alien does not rebut evidence of firm resettlement.  Thus, evidence that permanent resident status is available to the alien under the law of the third country may be sufficient to make a prima facie showing of an offer of firm resettlement, and a determination that the alien is firmly resettled is not contingent on whether the alien applies for permanent status in the third country.

It makes sense that the initial burden of proving firm resettlement is on the DHS–in most cases, an alien subject to the firm resettlement bar will have lived for a time in a third country.  In this case, the alien, A-G-G-, was a Mauritanian national who lived in Senegal for eight years.  He married a Senegalese citizen.  The fact that the alien resided in Senegal alerted DHS to the possibility of a firm resettlement bar, and they submitted evidence that A-G-G- could live permanently in Senegal.  A-G-G- then had an opportunity to rebut that evidence.  The fact that he chose not to apply for permanent status in Senegal was not sufficient–in and of itself–to avoid a permanent resettlement bar.  However, if there was some reason that A-G-G- could not live in Senegal, he could have presented that evidence and perhaps avoided the bar.

Matter of A-G-G- seems to strike a fair balance between protecting an asylum seeker’s ability to obtain asylum and preserving the government’s interest in barring people who have permanent residency elsewhere.



Continue reading

Doctors, Detention, and Dual Loyalty

by Jason Dzubow

A recent report by Physicians for Human Rights (“PHR”) articulates the difficult dilemma faced by physicians who serve detained immigrants.  Such physicians have a “dual loyalty” problem:

Health professionals working in detention facilities run directly under DHS oversight, report to the federal agency charged with managing health care for detainees, the ICE Health Service Corps (HSC).  Like ICE, HSC is a division of DHS, and therefore, has objectives that tend to focus on deportation and security, rather than on providing comprehensive health care to immigrants in detention.  Review of the HSC mission statement clearly demonstrates that its mandate is prone to conflict with health professionals’ obligation to provide their patients with the best possible care.  The HSC website proudly proclaims: “We protect America by providing health care and public health services in support of immigration law enforcement.”

Perhaps Janus, not Asclepius, is an appropriate patron deity for DHS Doctors.

A doctor’s first loyalty should be to her patient.  However, there are many examples of third parties infringing on the doctor-patient relationship: insurance companies and hospital administrators being two of the most common.  In the case of detained immigrants, a doctor’s loyalty to her patient may be compromised by her loyalty to her employer–in this case, the Department of Homeland Security.  The PHR report points out that this should not happen:

While the term “dual loyalty” may imply equivalence between a medical professional’s loyalty to the patient and loyalty to third party interests [such as DHS], no such equivalence exists.  Ethically, with very rare and well-circumscribed exceptions, a health professional is obligated to act in the interest of the patient above all other concerns.

Great in theory, but not always easy to implement in reality.  The report offers several recommendations, including the following:

  • Require that health care professionals working in detention centers report to health organizations, such as the Department of Health and Human Services, so that they may maintain clinical independence.  They should not report to the Department of Homeland Security or to for-profit private contractors.
  • Create an independent oversight organization to monitor provision of health care in all facilities that house immigration detainees.
  • Create an ombudsman office to which detainees may easily report grievances regarding access to medical care.
  • Make the Performance Based National Detentions Standards (PBNDS) legally enforceable in all facilities that house immigration detainees.  Failure to adhere should result in contract cancellation.

DHS detains about 400,000 people each year.  The recommendations in the PHR report would help to improve medical care for these people and would also help to mitigate the “dual loyalty” problem faced by physicians in the system.  Further, PHR’s recommendations do not seem particularly costly.  Indeed, the primary recommendation–that physicians working with detained immigrants report to HHS instead of DHS–should cost next to nothing.  The recommendations are worthy of consideration by DHS.

Continue reading

BIA Makes It Easier to Deport 14 Year Olds

by Jason Dzubow

In a recent decision, the Board of Immigration Appeals held that service of a Notice to Appear (“NTA”) on an alien is effective, so long as the alien is at least 14 years old. See Matter of Cubor-Cruz, 25 I&N Dec. 470 (BIA April 29, 2011).  

Another child served with a Notice to Appear.

It may seem idiotic to expect a child still in the throws of puberty to respond to an NTA, but to be fair, the BIA was just following orders:

Section 239(a)(1) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, 8 U.S.C. § 1229(a)(1) (2006), provides that the Notice to Appear is properly served if it is “given in person to the alien (or if personal service is not practicable, through service by mail to the alien or to the alien’s counsel of record, if any).” See also 8 C.F.R. § 103.5a(c)(1) (2010) (providing for personal service of notice).  However, the regulations state that if the alien is a minor under 14 years of age, “service shall be made upon the person with whom the . . . minor resides; whenever possible, service shall also be made on the near relative, guardian, committee, or friend.” 8 C.F.R. § 103.5a(c)(2)(ii); see also 8 C.F.R. § 236.2(a) (2010).

So I suppose it really isn’t the BIA’s fault that the regulations allow for service of an NTA on a middle school student.  There are a few things that bother me about this decision.

For one, the regulation is ridiculous.  How can a 14 year old be expected to understand and respond to an NTA?  This is another example highlighting the need for court-appointed advocates in cases involving minors or people who are incapable of representing themselves.   

Second, why did the Board bother to publish this decision?  It does nothing except re-state the regulation.  Given that the BIA publishes decisions so rarely (only about 1 case in 1,000 is published), it is disappointing that they would “waste” a published decision on a case that does nothing to clarify the law or set a precedent.

Finally, why didn’t the Board take this opportunity to criticize the regulation and/or call for court appointed advocates in cases involving minor children?  The BIA likes to tell us that it has no authority to rule on the validity of the regulations that govern it.  Maybe so, but it does have the expertise and the moral authority to criticize those regulations where they are unfair.  There is a long tradition in the American legal system of courts criticizing laws, even when they cannot invalidate those laws.  Sometimes, a well-written criticism helps change an unjust law.  Also, there is a tradition of courts asserting their authority even when the other branches of government question that authority (think Justice Marshall in Marbury v. Madison). 

In Matter of Cubor-Cruz, the BIA missed an opportunity to criticize an unjust regulation.  It also missed a chance to assert its (moral) authority in order to bring about a positive change in the law. 

Continue reading

Cuban “Asylum Seeker” to Play for Major League Baseball

by Jason Dzubow
Leonys Martin: A uniform this ugly might form the basis for an asylum claim.

It looks like the Texas Rangers’ newest teammate will be Cuban defector Leonys Martin, a 23-year old centerfielder who formerly played for the Cuban National Team.  Mr. Martin defected while his team was in Taiwan playing in the FISU World University Championships.  How he made his way to the U.S. is not clear. 

According to the Rangers’ website, Mr. Martin is currently training in Arizona.  He will receive a $15 million signing bonus and will likely begin his pro career on a Double-A team, though he is expected to move to the majors by year’s end.  According to the Dallas Morning News, Mr. Martin’s immigration status caused a bit of delay when it came time for the Rangers to sign him:

Because of the complications of dealing with a player seeking political asylum, the signing has been held up while the sides await proper approval from the U.S. Department of State.

My guess is that Mr. Martin is not an asylum seeker, but rather (like many Cubans) he is a beneficiary of the Cuban Adjustment Act, a law that basically allows Cubans in the United States to obtain their lawful permanent residency after one year in our country.  Since Mr. Martin has been here for less than one year, the problem with signing him may be because he has not yet adjusted status under the Act. 

I’ve never been a huge fan of the Cuban Adjustment Act.  It seems unfair to me to allow Cubans this humanitarian benefit when we deny the benefit to people who come from more dangerous places (like Haiti, for example).  Although many Cubans face persecution in their homeland, I see no reason why they should not file for asylum like everyone else. 

On the other hand, our country has been greatly enriched by Cubans like Mr. Martin coming to our shores.  It’s just too bad that he’s not playing for the Phillies.

Continue reading

DHS Protects Women and Girls, but More Can Be Done

by Jason Dzubow

In a recent posting on the Department of Homeland Security blog, January Contreras, the DHS Ombudsman, describes the Department’s efforts to help protect women and girls.  Some highlights:

In 2010, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) administered the full statutory allotment of 10,000 visas for victims of domestic crimes who participated in the investigation and prosecution of their perpetrators – for the first time.

Through U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)’s Victim Assistance Program, 18 new full-time victim assistance specialists have been deployed to 17 ICE offices, in addition to 250 collateral duty Victim Assistance Coordinators, to provide continued guidance and support for victims of violent crimes.

The Federal Law Enforcement Training Center has deployed programs that train officers on protecting women and girls, including a web-based human trafficking training course and training on violence against women.

January Contreras: DHS Ombudsman

Ms. Contreras concludes, “While we are extremely proud of our accomplishments in the protection of women and girls, we know there is always the opportunity to do more.”  “As a Department, we are committed to dedicating even more of our efforts to the security of women and girls in the years to come.”

DHS should be commended for its efforts and accomplishments to protect women and girls.  As Ms. Contreras notes, there is more to be done.  Some suggestions:

DHS recently expanded the unit that adjudicates VAWA, T and U visas (victims of domestic violence, victims of human trafficking and victims of certain crimes, respectively) to approximately 100 officers.  Previously, officers elected to join the “VAWA unit,” but it seems this practice has changed and officers are often rotated through the unit.  The results of this change have been mixed.  On the one hand, processing times have been reduced, which is certainly good news.  But on the other hand, expertise has gone down and the number of RFEs (Requests for Evidence) issued by the unit has increased as new officers learn the new areas of law.  These superfluous RFEs cause delay and reflect the lack of specialization of officers rotated through the unit.  One solution would be to go back to the previous model where the staff of the VAWA unit were permanent, chose to be in the unit, and were well-trained prior to starting in domestic violence and VAWA.  Such officers would be more specialized and would increase the quality of the work product.  

The Victims Assistance Program is an excellent program that assists victims, including victims of human trafficking many of whom are eligible for T and/or U visas.  However, very few U visas certifications seem to be signed by ICE agents.  DHS needs to do a better job of informing ICE agents about their ability to sign U visa certifications and the process for doing so.  DHS should do more to help ICE agents understand their role in the certification process.

Also, on the subject of U visas and certification, many local law enforcement officers do not understand the visa and how it was designed to help them investigate crimes.  DHS should do more to inform local law enforcement about U visa certifications and how to assist crime victims with their U visa applications.

Finally, with the rise of ICE detention in the United States, it is important that DHS put in place a framework to identify victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, human trafficking, and other violent crimes who may be eligible for immigration relief.  A system should exist so that such people can be connected with appropriate resources.  Ideally, this screening would occur prior to the issuance of an ICE detainer

While DHS’s efforts to assist women and girls has been laudable, there are estimated to be about 100,000 children (under age 18) in the sex trade each year in the United States (it is not known how many are immigrants and how many are U.S. citizens).  In addition, there are likely several hundred thousand adults.  All of these people may not be victims of human trafficking, but many are.  Others may be victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and other violent crimes for which there may be immigration relief available.  Given the large numbers of victims, DHS and Congress should devote more resources to helping those in need.

Continue reading

1 Comment

Are Well-Fed Judges More Likely to Grant Asylum?

by Jason Dzubow

A recent study of parole judges in Israel demonstrates that the judges tend to issue more favorable decisions on a full stomach.  The study, by Shai Danzuger of Ben Gurion University, examines 1,112 parole board hearings in Israeli prisons.  In the chart below, the vertical axis represents the proportion of cases where the judges granted parole.  The horizontal axis shows the order that cases were heard throughout the day.  The dotted lines represent the points where the judges went away for a morning snack and a lunch break.

The study controls for various factors, such as gender, ethnicity, and type of crime, and its conclusion–that the judges’ decisions are strongly influenced by whether they’ve eaten–seems pretty convincing.  My question is: Does this study have any applicability to Immigration Judges or Asylum Officers?

One reason to think that the study is not applicable to IJ’s and Asylum Officers is that the Israeli judges ruled on 14 to 35 parole cases per day.  While IJs in Master Calendar Hearings often rule on more than 35 cases per day, such cases are rarely final decision where the alien is contesting removal.  Most final decisions occur during Individual Hearings, and IJs generally do not adjudicate more than four or five individual hearings per day (especially when those hearings involve asylum applications, which tend to take more time than other types of immigration cases).  Asylum Officers also have a much lower daily caseload than the Israeli judges.  Thus, the challenges faced by the Israeli parole judges are quite different from those faced by Asylum Officers and IJs in the United States.

On the other hand, the study does point to the problem of fatigue as a factor in decision-making, and it makes sense that fatigue would affect IJs and Asylum Officers, all of whom are overworked and under pressure.  How–or whether–that fatigue affects asylum cases is not known.      

Studies of asylum cases have shown that the results can be arbitrary (see, for example, this posting about the article Refugee Roulette) and that “unobservable factors,” such as gender and education, may affect asylum decisions.  However, as far as I know, there has not been a study of how fatigue affects decision-making.  There is, however, significant evidence that IJs (and presumably Asylum Officers) are stressed out by the heavy case load and the difficult types of cases. 

What, then, is the solution?  I suppose the easy answer is to hire more IJs and more Asylum Officers.  EOIR has been expanding the number of judges, but given our current budgetary woes and the vast number of cases, it is doubtful that a handful of new IJs will make a great difference in the overall stress level.  Another solution (which I don’t love) is to simplify the system and eliminate some layers of review (for example, combine the Immigration Courts and the Asylum Offices into one body, which would handle all cases at the trial level).  A final thought is to encourage the BIA to issue more decisions (I have written about this before in the cleverly titled (if I do say so myself) blog post–The Unbearable Lightness of BIA-ing).  This would create more certainty and regularity in the system.  It certainly won’t solve the problem, but it does seem like a reasonably easy way to improve efficiency.

Fatigue, stress, and overwork are all factors that negatively affect decion-makers in the asylum system.  The more we can do to alleviate those problems, the better decisions we can expect.  In the mean time, I recommend that you bring the IJ a nice sandwich before your trial.  It couldn’t hurt.

Continue reading

1 Comment

Virginia Denies Driver’s Licenses to Refugees

by Jason Dzubow

The Washington Post recently did an article about my client Hirut Bekele who has Withholding of Removal and who has a valid Employment Authorization Document (“EAD”), but who was denied a driver’s license by the Virginia DMV.  As a result of losing her license, Ms. Bekele also lost her job and now she and her young daughter may become homeless.

I suppose the Virginia DMV figures that refugees are used to walking.

The Commonwealth of Virginia had issued driver’s licenses to people with valid EADs, but changed its policy after Carlos Martinelly-Montano, an illegal immigrant, killed a nun in a drunk-driving accident last summer.

The change affects not only people like Mr. Martinelly-Montano, who receive an EAD while his removal case was pending, but also people like my client, who have been granted Withholding of Removal. 

Withholding of Removal is a legal status granted to people who face persecution in their homeland, but who are not otherwise qualified for asylum.  In Ms. Bekele’s case, she received Withholding as a compromise with the DHS Trial Attorney; she had lived in Germany for a number of years before she came to the U.S., and her case was weakened by the fact that she did not seek asylum in Germany (she was married to a German citizen, but the marriage failed and she lost her status in that country).  Other people receive Withholding instead of asylum because they failed to file for asylum within one year of their arrival in the United States, or because they committed a crime rendering them ineligible for asylum. 

While asylum is the better form of relief (an asylee can get a green card after one year and eventually become a U.S. citizen), the legal standard to obtain Withholding is more difficult than for asylum.  This means that my client had to demonstrate by a preponderance of the evidence (i.e., a more than 50% likelihood), that she would be persecuted in Ethiopia.  An asylum seeker need only show a 10% chance of persecution to obtain asylum. 

The Virginia DMV’s excuse for refusing to grant Ms. Bekele a driver’s license is that her immigration status in “under review.”  I had a brief quote in the article on this point:

Because the federal government is technically required to keep trying to resettle her, said Jason Dzubow, a Washington lawyer who is helping Bekele, “I suppose one could argue that Hirut’s ability to remain in the U.S. is ‘under review’ because DHS can continue to look for a third country to send her to, but I have never heard of DHS removing someone like her to a third country [Withholding of Removal prevents removal only to the home country; not to a third country].”

Another part of my comment did not appear in the article, but I think it is relevant:

I do not see how the DMV can say that her “legal status” is under review – it is not.  She has been granted Withholding of Removal.  That order has not been appealed, and it is final.  There is nothing more to review.  It seems to me that her legal status–not some theoretical action that DHS might take [to deport her]–should determine whether Hirut is eligible for a driver’s license.  Her legal status is Withholding of Removal.  It is a permanent status, even if it does not guarantee that she can remain in the U.S. forever.

Thus, it seems unclear to me why Virginia is denying driver’s licenses to refugees like Ms. Bekele.  It is also unclear whether Virginia will face a lawsuit to force it to issue driver’s licenses to people with EADs.  My guess is that the lawsuits are coming.  Let’s hope so.

Continue reading

16 Comments

Do Women Face Discrimination in the Asylum System?

by Jason Dzubow

A recent posting on the blog Women and Foreign Policy by Carol Bohmer and Amy Shuman argues that “cultural, social and political attitudes and expectations can affect how a woman’s claim for asylum is evaluated by the authorities” and that such claims are treated “differently” and “less well” by those asylum authorities:

Most of the ways that the political asylum treats women differently are not articulated in policy but rather are implicit in the hearing processes, especially notable in explanations for denials of asylum.  In our work, we have categorized these as 1) how credibility is tied to gendered practices in the asylum hearings themselves, especially expectations of women’s demeanor; 2) gendered expectations about the content of women’s accounts of the violence and persecution they have experienced; 3) more general discrimination against women applicants, who are not taken seriously or whose legitimacy depends on additional requirements; and 4) evaluation of women’s political action is sometimes regarded as either not political enough or as belonging to such a general category that granting political asylum would “open the floodgates” to too many individuals.

My initial reaction to the claim that women and men are treated differently by Asylum Officers and Immigration Judges is one of skepticism.  For one thing, a good proportion of IJs, DHS Trial Attorneys, and Asylum Officers are women.  Not that one woman cannot discriminate against another, but we’re not talking about Phyllis Schlafly here–most of the women working in the system are very progressive on women’s issues.  Second, at least in my experience, the people involved in the system strive to apply the law equally and objectively, and tend to be cognizant of issues affecting women and girls.  Finally, in some ways, women are treated better by “the system” in that certain categories of relief exist specifically to protect women (female genital mutilation as persecution); other categories are used more frequently by women than by men (domestic violence, forced marriage, and human trafficking as persecution).

Future asylum adjudicators?

On the other hand, of the 40 or 45 asylum seekers I represented in 2010 and 2011, I lost five cases: four of them were women and the fifth was a gay man.  I had not really thought about this before, but it is surprising that 80% of the denied cases involved female asylum seekers.  I am still not convinced that gender played a role in these defeats, but I suppose my mini cohort provides some anecdotal support for Ms. Bohmer and Ms. Shuman’s thesis.  

With regard to the legal grounds for claiming asylum, Ms. Bohmer and Ms. Shuman make an important point:

When asylum officials reject a case, they are not necessarily saying that someone didn’t suffer a trauma….  Instead, when, for example, they deny a case about rape or domestic violence because the rape or violence was not political and/or because the woman was not persecuted as a member of a targeted social group, they are saying that the catastrophe, the trauma, the violence was part of another realm, crime, ordinary everyday crime, rather than political persecution.  Women, as people seen to occupy ordinary, domestic life, rather than political (public) life, are more likely to be the victims of crime.

This seems to me an important and often overlooked point–asylum was created to provide protection to people in the public sphere.  Such people tend to be men (though this is slowly changing).  Asylum was not designed to protect people who face persecution in the private sphere.  The recent efforts to expand the definition of asylum to include victims of FGM, domestic violence, forced marriage, and human trafficking are aimed at broadening the definition of asylum to include persecution that occurs in the private realm.  These efforts have generally involved litigation, not legislation.  It seems too bad that international legislative bodies and the U.S. Congress have not done more to protect people (women) who face these types of non-public persecution.  Perhaps the study by Ms. Bohmer and Ms. Shuman will help move the law in a direction that is more protective of female asylum seekers.

Continue reading

Asylum for Albinos

by Jason Dzubow

In some parts of Africa, Albinism can be a death sentence.  A Canadian organization that advocates for people with Albinism (“PWA”), Under the Same Sun, reports on the dire situation of Albinos in Tanzania:

[The sale of Albino body parts is] driven by the belief (in some areas of the country) that the body parts of PWA possess magical powers capable of bringing riches if used in potions produced by local witchdoctors. Between 2007 & the present, official reports indicate that 68 PWA have been brutally attacked and their body parts hacked off and sold to witchdoctors. Of the 68 attacks, 59 were murders and 9 are mutilated survivors. Leaders in the albinism community believe the actual number of attacks & deaths are closer to 100 or more. Reports also indicate that albino body parts are being exported outside of Tanzania. In one instance, a Tanzanian trader was caught travelling to the Democratic Republic of the Congo with the head of an infant with albinism in his possession. He told police that a businessman there was going to pay him for the head according to its weight.

The problem exists to varying degrees in different countries throughout sub-Saharan Africa.  Earlier this month, an Albino man from Nigeria received Withholding of Removal from an Immigration Court in Florida. 

Under the Same Sun co-founder Peter Ash in Tanzania with a friend
Franklin Ibeabuchi came to the United States when he was 10 years old.  He grew up in Jacksonville, married, and is raising three children.  In 2003, he was arrested for assault.  The charges were dropped, but he was placed into removal proceedings.  With the help of the Florida Coastal School of Law’s immigration clinic, he applied for political asylum based on his fear of being persecuted for Albinism.  It is unclear why he received Withholding of Removal instead of asylum (asylum is the better form of relief); perhaps because he failed to file for asylum within one year of his arrival in the U.S.  In any case, this seems like an important victory, and may be the first case of an Albino person demonstrating a well-founded fear of persecution based on the particular social group of PWA. 

As an aside, the issue of Albino people seeking asylum has recently gotten some popular attention.  Earlier this year, an NBC show called Harry’s Law, which stars Kathy Bates as a “misfit lawyer,” featured a story about four young people with Albinism seeking asylum from Tanzania.  I must admit that I’ve never seen the show (I am still afraid of Kathy Bates thanks to her role in the movie Misery), but it looks like Matlock with a social conscience.  Anyway, if you are interested, you can learn more about the episode here (and by the way, the immigration trial seems completely unrealistic – the Judge finds that the case is a toss-up, so he will rule based on the current national consensus on immigration – maybe you can guess how it turns out).

Fortunately for Mr. Ibeabuchi, he will be able to remain safely in the United States with his family, and congratulations to the Florida Coastal School of Law on their important win.

Continue reading

17 Comments

Migration Policy Institute Conference

by Jason Dzubow

The Migration Policy Institute, Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. (CLINIC) and Georgetown University Law Center will be hosting the 8th Annual Immigration Law and Policy Conference on April 26, 2011 in Washington, DC.  The topics include the following:

Devolution of Immigration Authority: The Role of States in Immigration Enforcement and Policymaking

The Final Arbiters: When Immigration Policies Come Before the Courts – The panel will examine and debate the prospects and possible outcomes of litigation involving some critical issues in the current political debate: challenges to the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of birthright citizenship, right of basic public education under Plyler v Doe, and the extent to which states and localities can enact laws affecting the foreign born.

State and Local Agencies & Immigration Enforcement: Growing Role, Growing Questions – This panel will examine the federal/state partnerships related to immigration enforcement, including a discussion of 287(g) agreements and Secure Communities, the increasing role played by state and local law enforcement, and the impact of these federal and state immigration measures, including local community perspective.

Detention Reform:  Standards, Alternatives, and Vulnerable Populations –
This session will discuss DHS detention reform efforts, challenges to reform, civil detention standards, alternative detention models, alternatives “to” and alternative “forms” of detention, the treatment of particularly vulnerable populations, and legal challenges to the US detention regime.

Right to Counsel: New Ideas and Opportunities for Indigent Defense – This panel will examine whether there is meaningful opportunity to expand legal counsel for indigent persons in removal proceedings, and what those vehicles may be.  It will also discuss recommendations to law and policymakers set forth by different groups for ensuring access to counsel.

I have attended several of these conferences in years past, and they are always very worthwhile, not just for the topics and the speakers (all of whom are top notch), but also for the opportunity to meet many interesting people in the field.  If you can come to DC to attend this conference, I highly recommend it.  To register, visit the MPI website, here (by the way, registration is $50 before April 22; on-site registration is $60). 

Continue reading

Help Save Detroit’s Freedom House

by Jason Dzubow
They may take our lives, but they will never take our Freedom (House)!

People seeking asylum in the United States often wait many months for their cases to be adjudicated.  They usually have limited resources or connections in the U.S., many do not speak English, and they often have trouble finding work, even if they are lucky enough to obtain a work permit.  One organization that has been helping asylum seekers for almost 30 years is Freedom House in Detroit.  Now, the Detroit Metro Times reports that Freedom House is facing a severe financial crisis that could cause it to shut its doors:

[Freedom House] unexpectedly lost a major grant, and Deborah Drennan, the executive director, is worried they may have to close. “I’ve laid off six of my eight staff members, and both myself and the other two are working without a paycheck,” Drennan told [the Metro Times] last weekend.  “As you know, sending people away from Freedom House is in many cases a death sentence. I can’t let this happen,” she said.

If Freedom House did close, it would be a mini-global tragedy. People come here, somehow, from all over the world. Rwanda, Cameroon, Libya, Russia. When they arrive at this century-old, redbrick house (a former convent)… they are often a malnourished, dehydrated mess. Most have been tortured, physically and psychologically; many have been raped

Freedom House provides them with shelter, food, social and legal service, job placement, ESL, and safety.  The comprehensive nature of its services makes Freedom House unique.  Freedom House can accommodate 35 people at a time, but because they do not turn anyone away, they are often above capacity.  Over the last three decades, the organization has helped hundreds–maybe thousands–of asylum seekers establish new lives in the United States. 

Given the current financial crisis, the future of Freedom House seems uncertain.  The loss of this organization would be a great misfortune for asylum seekers in Michigan.  If you would like to send a donation, please visit their website here.  Even a modest contribution of $25 will pay for meals for all the home’s residents for one day.  Hopefully, with contributions from friends and some new grant money, Freedom House will be able to continue its works for many years to come.

Continue reading

Violence in Mexico Threatens to Overwhelm the U.S. Asylum System

by Jason Dzubow

David North recently wrote on the Center for Immigration Studies website that a surge in Mexican asylum seekers might overwhelm the immigration court system in the United States.  In making his point, Mr. North referred to one of my blog entries:

At the moment the approval rate for Mexicans applying for asylum, despite the ferocious gang activity on the other side of the border, is only a little over 2 percent, but it is not the approval rate that worries but the application rate. Should that soar we would be in big trouble.  And it might. Jason Dzubow, a skilled asylum lawyer here in Washington, has written in both the Asylumist and Immigration Daily that some Mexican asylum seekers and their advocates “have formed a coalition to support each other in their cases.”

First, I certainly appreciate being referred to as a “skilled asylum lawyer” (though perhaps I would prefer to be called a “good-looking asylum lawyer”). 

Second, Mr. North raises an important issue.  Thus far, the evidence for an increase in the number of Mexican asylum seekers is anecdotal.  Statistical data for Mexican asylum seekers in immigration court is relatively flat: In FY 2010, there were 3,231 asylum seekers from Mexico; in FY 2009, 3,335; in FY 2008, 3,527; in FY 2007, 3,080; and in FY 2006, there were 2,818 Mexican asylum cases filed in U.S. immigration courts.  Data on affirmatively filed cases shows that the number of people from Mexico filing for asylum in the asylum offices has actually declined (the number of affirmative asylum seekers fell from 2,456 in 2008 to 1,778 in 2009).

Nevertheless, the scenario described by Mr. North remains a real possibility.  Violence in Mexico is out of control, and if things fall further apart, we could experience an influx of asylum seekers.  Our current immigration court system is already overloaded (cases routinely take one or two years–or more–to adjudicate), and so a large number of additional cases would completely clog the system.  In addition, it is unclear whether our society can or should absorb large numbers of additional refugees.  What then is the solution?

One possibility would be to reduce our refugee admissions from other countries and fill those slots with asylum seekers from Mexico.  We current admit and absorb about 75,000 refugees each year.  They come from many different countries.  If there was a large influx from Mexico, we could give Mexican asylum seekers priority over people fleeing persecution in more distant lands.

Another method to deal with a large refugee flow from Mexico would be to keep the refugees in camps, as is done in many parts of the world.  The people could remain in temporary camps administered by the U.S. and the United Nations, and when conditions in Mexico improved, they could return to their country.  It seems to me that we have a moral obligation to help people fleeing for their lives.  However, I am not so sure we have an obligation to permanently resettle those people in our country.

For now at least, this is all hypothetical.  Let’s hope it remains that way.

Continue reading

2 Comments

Legal Briefs on Immigration Reform from 25 of the Top Legal Minds in the Country

by Jason Dzubow

I am pleased to let you know about a new book, Legal Briefs on Immigration Reform from 25 of the Top Legal Minds in the Country.  For the book, editors Deborah Robinson and Mona Parsa asked 25 of The Top Legal Minds in the Country this question:  If you were called upon by the President of the United States to recommend a piece of immigration legislation that could pass the legal test of the U.S. Constitution and both houses of Congress, what would it include?   This book is their answer.

I am also pleased to let you know that your humble blogger is one of the “Legal Minds.”  In fact, I am the number one legal mind!  The contributors are:

Jason A. Dzubow, Esq.
Gary E. Endelman, Esq., Ph.D.
Michael Fix, Esq.,
Austin T. Fragomen, Esq.
Chris E. Gafner, Esq.
Regina Germain, Esq.
Bill Ong Hing, Esq.
Mark Krikorian
Ira J. Kurzban, Esq.
Heather Mac Donald, Esq.
Daniel J. McNeil, Esq.
Cyrus D. Mehta, Esq.
Victoria F. Neilson, Esq.
Nancy A. Noonan, Esq.
Julie A. Pace, Esq.
Renée M. Saucedo, Esq.
David A. Selden, Esq.
Patrick Shen, Esq.
Gregory Siskind, Esq.
Rita Sostrin, Esq.
Nicomedes E. Suriel, Esq.
Carol M. Swain, Ph.D., M.L.S.
Jennifer Van Hook, Ph.D.
Michael Wildes, Esq.
Stephen Yale-Loehr, Esq.

Now, some nattering nabobs might point out that the list of legal minds is alphabetical, and my name happens to be first because it comes earliest in the alphabet.  Don’t believe it!  As far as I can tell, I am numero uno (take that Kurzban, with your obnoxious “K” and Germain with your sad little “G”!).   

The book actually looks to be a great resource for people interested in immigration reform.  I have not yet read the contributions by other authors, but they seem intriguing.  Here are some that caught my eye:  Regina Germain writes about Restoring Dignity to the Asylum Process; Victoria Neilson writes about immigration and LGBT issues, which happens to be a very timely topic; and Michael Wildes, a former mayor, writes about the effects of immigration on our economy.  Other authors write about the current effort to repeal birthright citizenship, and the book includes at least a few authors who are generally considered anti-immigration, such as Mark Krikorian from the Center for Immigration Studies.

All in all, it looks to be a valuable source of information for policy makers and others interested in immigration issues.  To learn more, and to buy the book, visit the website.

Continue reading

2 Comments

Chilean Revolutionary “Demands” Political Asylum – Gets Bupkis

by Jason Dzubow

I’ve long had a soft spot in my heart for Worker’s World newspaper, with its tag line: “Workers and Oppressed Peoples of the World Unite!”  I can’t say I always agreed with the paper, but is does sometimes highlight issues not covered by more mainstream news outlets.  

Victor Toro: Revenge is a dish best served Chile... er, cold.

One recent story caught my attention.  Last December, the paper had an article about Chilean “revolutionary” Victor Toro.  Mr. Toro claims to be a leader and founder of the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR – the Revolutionary Left Movement) of Chile.  He was tortured in Chile because of his political opposition to General Pinochet’s dictatorship.  Mr. Toro has also been a well-known activist for immigrant’s rights in New York City for many years. 

According to Worker’s World, Mr. Toro, who is undocumented, was “racially profiled” by immigration agents and arrested in 2007.  He was then placed into removal proceedings where he “demanded” political asylum.

First, it strikes me as a bit ironic that a Chilean revolutionary–someone who opposed the U.S.-backed coup that violently overthrew elected president Salvador Allende in 1973–would seek asylum in the United States, the same country that helped orchestrate the coup. 

Second, it seems strange to “demand” asylum.  Maybe it is a technical point, but asylum is a discretionary form of relief; this means that the U.S. government can deny asylum in the exercise of its discretion (say, for example, if the asylum seeker is not a person of good moral character).  Given the discretionary nature of the relief, no one can “demand” asylum.  They have to ask for it.  Nicely.

Earlier this month, the Immigration Judge denied asylum.  Mr. Toro’s attorney issued a strongly-worded statement condemning the decision and vowing to appeal.  From what I can glean from the statement, the IJ denied relief principally because Mr. Toro did not file for asylum within one year of arriving in the U.S. and because country conditions in Chile had changed, making it safe for him to return. 

I have never worked on an asylum case from Chile, but given the current country conditions (good), I am not surprised that Mr. Toro’s case was denied.  What seems a real shame is that, had Mr. Toro applied in a timely manner, he might well have qualified for “humanitarian asylum.”  Humanitarian asylum is available to people who have suffered severe persecution in their country, and is available even if country conditions have improved.  Basically, it is a recognition that some people should not have to go back to a country where they suffered severe persecution.  

Mr. Toro was tortured severely in Chile, but apparently his failure to timely file for asylum prevented him from obtaining humanitarian asylum.  Thus–once again–an arbitrary filing deadline has caused real harm.  Frankly, I have my doubts that Mr. Toro will suffer persecution if he returns to Chile.  But considering that he suffered torture in his country previously, he should have received humanitarian asylum.   

Continue reading