Mexican Woman Receives Asylum on Account of Domestic Violence

by Jason Dzubow

The New York Times reports that an Immigration Judge in California has granted asylum to a Mexican woman–referred to as L.R.–who was the victim of severe domestic violence.  Her common-law husband repeatedly raped her, threatened her with a gun and a machete, and tried to burn her to death.  In April 2009, the Department of Homeland Security filed a brief that paved the way for last week’s decision.  That brief, which represented a reversal of DHS’s position during the Bush administration, concluded that “it is possible” that the Mexican woman “and other applicants who have experienced domestic violence could qualify for asylum.”  According to the brief:

DHS suggests that the particular social group in asylum and withholding of removal claims based on domestic violence is best defined based on the evidence about how the respondent’s abuser and her society perceive her role within the domestic relationship….  A group defined in light of this evidence might be articulated as “Mexican women in domestic relationships who are unable to leave” or as “Mexican women who are viewed as property by virtue of their positions within a domestic relationship.”  DHS believes that groups understood in these ways, if adequately established in the record in any given case, would meet the requirements for a particular social group…

DHS also notes that the applicant must show that she cannot relocate within the country and that the government is unable or unwilling to protect her.  These factors will be determinative in most domestic violence asylum cases.

In L.R.’s case, experts testified that the police and government officials could not and would not protect her because of “the enormous social and cultural tolerance of this abuse, resulting in the virtual complicity of authorities who should prevent and punish these violent acts.”  L.R. herself testified that she went to the authorities for help, and one “judge had offered to help her if she would have sex with him.”  Thus, there was compelling evidence that the government would not protect her.  There was also compelling evidence and expert testimony that she could not relocate within Mexico.

The extreme facts of this case combined with documentary evidence and expert witness testimony led to an asylum grant.  It is doubtful that many abused women will have the same resources and support that were available to L.R. and that were the keys to success in her case.  However, L.R.’s case has established a framework for asylum based on domestic violence.  Now, at least, such women have a chance to gain protection in the United States.

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Second Circuit Denies Chinese Asylum Cases En Masse

by Jason Dzubow

The United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit recently issued a summary order denying petitions for review in 24 separate cases involving Chinese asylum seekers.  The Court held:

Each of these petitioners, all Chinese citizens, challenges a decision of the BIA denying their applications for relief based on the birth of one or more children in the United States. For largely the same reasons this Court set forth in Jian Hui Shao v. Mukasey, 546 F.3d 138, 169 (2d Cir. 2008), we find no error in the BIA’s decision denying each application.

The Court’s Internal Operating Procedures allow for such orders, and this is not the first time the Court has denied cases like this en masse.  But are these mass denials fair to the petitioners and proper under the law?

First, some background.  In response to the “one family, one child” population control measures in China, Congress passed a law modifying the definition of “refugee” to include anyone subject to forced sterilization or forced abortion, as well as people who resist coercive population control measures.  This (predictably) led to hundreds of claims by Chinese nationals who had not been subject to past persecution or credible threats of future persecution.  Rather, these asylum seekers argued that because they had more than one child–which is not allowed under Chinese law–they would be subject to forced sterilization if returned to China, and should thus be granted asylum. 

Sometimes one is enough.

Because laws are enforced differently throughout China, the BIA found that cases involving Chinese nationals with more than one child must be examined on a case-by-case basis to determine whether each alien has a well founded fear of persecution.  Thus, the BIA has restricted a provision that was arguably meant to be expansive.  In Jian Hui Shao, the Second Circuit accepted the case-by-case analysis endorsed by the BIA, and held that it would not disturb the BIA’s ruling unless it concluded that “no reasonable fact-finder could have failed to find in favor of petitioner.”

Turning to the summary order disposing of the 24 Chinese asylum cases, all of those cases involve Chinese nationals who fear persecution because they have more than one child.  Apparently, some of the asylum seekers were originally granted asylum, but those decisions were reversed by the BIA.  Other asylum seekers were denied by the Immigration Judge and the BIA.  The asylum seekers are represented by different attorneys and have all filed their own briefs.  Aside from the fact that they share similar legal issues, the cases are unrelated.  But the Court denied them en masse.

Whether intentional or not, the cursory review and mass denials send a message that the Second Circuit will not entertain Chinese forced-sterilization cases.  This seems inconsistent with our system of justice and unfair to the litigants, who deserve to know (1) that the Court actually considered their individual claim, and (2) the reason for the Court’s decision.  It is also unfair to the attorneys (the private attorneys and the Department of Justice attorneys) who have spent many hours briefing their cases.  I doubt a federal appeals court would issue mass denials in cases involving civil or criminal appeals.  Immigration cases should be treated with the same respect.  It is understandable that the Court would be frustrated with the large number of cases coming from the Board of Immigration Appeals.  However, all litigants deserve to have their cases heard and considered.  Perhaps the Second Circuit has carefully reviewed each litigant’s claim, but the summary orders and mass denials send a message that the Court simply does not care about these cases.

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Hundreds of Refugees Set to Lose Benefits

by Jason Dzubow

In a recent editorial, the New York Times called on Congress and the President to protect welfare benefits for elderly and disabled refugees living in the United States.  Unless Congress acts, on October 1, 2010, about 3,800 refugees–elderly and disabled people who have suffered persecution in places like Iraq, Somalia, and Cuba–will lose welfare benefits such as Supplemental Security Income and cash assistance.  These benefits are critical for the refugees who often have no other means of support.

Save the Bubbes!

Currently, refugees are eligible for up to seven years of benefits.  After five years in the U.S., refugees can apply for United States citizenship, and once they are citizens, continue to receive benefits.  However, many refugees are unable to become citizens because they cannot meet the English language requirement or their naturalization applications are delayed.

The Times editorial concludes:

If any shreds of bipartisanship still exist in Washington, along with the belief that the United States should remain a true haven for those fleeing persecution, then Congress and President Obama will renew their support for a bill to extend benefits to elderly and disabled refugees. In time, they should adopt the permanent solution: finally delinking naturalization and artificial time limits from the granting of lifesaving assistance to these refugees.    

In difficult economic times, Congress may have a hard time justifying the (relatively small) cost of assisting these needy refugees.  However, we have already committed to resettling them, and they have been part of our community for some years.  As the editorial opines, the appropriate solution is to delink citizenship from financial assistance.  Until that happens, Congress should fulfill our commitment and protect these vulnerable individuals.

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BS from CIS

by Jason Dzubow

The Center for Immigration Studies never seems to let the facts get in the way of attacking immigrants and those who advocate for them.  Most recently, Jessica Vaughan, CIS Director of Policy Studies, criticized Immigration Daily for holding a training on gang-based asylum claims.  Instead of discussing the actual subject of the training, which is not particularly controversial, Ms. Vaughan simply made up her own version of the event in order to attack Immigration Daily.  Of the training, she writes:

Learn how to establish that your gangster clients are “members of a particular social group,” that they deserve humanitarian protection due to their “political opinions” or “religion” (such as La Familia, the murderous Mexican cult-like cartel), and what the UN guidelines are on these oppressed individuals. This e-learning session was preceded by one on how to help your client get a waiver if they are denied a green card or refugee status because of their links to terrorist groups. No, this wasn’t in The Onion, it was in Immigration Daily, the leading e-newsletter of the immigration bar.

Ms. Vaughan did not find this description on the Immigration Daily website.  Rather, she made it up.  Gang-based asylum does not involve helping gang members enter the U.S.  Rather, it is about helping people who have been threatened by gangs.  But, Ms. Vaughan’s goal apparently is not to engage in intelligent debate or education; it is simply to denigrate and discredit those who advocate for people fleeing persecution. 

The Southern Poverty Law Center says of CIS: “it has always been part of a broad-based and well-planned effort to attack immigration in all forms.”  By making up phony arguments to influence the uninformed, Ms. Vaughan seems to be making their point for them.  If CIS wants to be taken seriously, maybe it should demonstrate a little integrity.  It can start by telling the truth.

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Help for Afghanis “Outed” by Wikileaks

by Jason Dzubow

The website Wikileaks, which exists to make public “sensitive material,” recently published the Afghan War Diary, a collection of 75,000 classified documents from the U.S. military detailing ground-level operations in Afghanistan.  Among the information released are names and villages of Afghanis who assisted the United States.  Now, Newsweek magazine reports that a Taliban spokesman has threatened vengeance against the exposed “collaborators.”  A few days after Wikileaks published the documents, numerous tribal elders received threatening letters.  One elder was murdered.  The magazine reports:

The frightening combination of the Taliban spokesman’s threat, [Tribal Elder] Abdullah’s death, and the spate of letters has sparked a panic among many Afghans who have worked closely with coalition forces in the past….  [There are] reports of Afghans rushing to U.S. and coalition bases in southern and eastern Afghanistan over the past few days, seeking protection and even asking for political asylum.

(To be fair to Wikileaks, there is a debate about whether the leaked documents have made any difference.  Some argue that the Taliban already know the “collaborators.”  Wikileaks has confidential U.S. documents, but not confidential Taliban documents, so Wikileaks does not know whether the Taliban was aware of all the collaborators listed in the exposed documents.  Given this lack of knowledge, it seems to me that the failure to redact the Afghani names from the leaked documents was incredibly irresponsible.)

A Taliban fighter checks out Wikileaks.

What then can be done about Afghanis who have been “outed” by Wikileaks?  One possibility is the Afghan Allies Protection Act, which authorizes 1,500 visa each year for Afghanis “who have been employed by or on behalf of the United States Government in Afghanistan on or after October 7, 2001, for a period of not less than one year, and who have experienced or are experiencing an ongoing serious threat as a consequence of that employment.”  Whether the people named in the Wikileak documents were employed by or on behalf of the U.S. government for at least one year is an open question.  If not, this law will not help them. 

If it turns out that the Taliban’s threats are serious, Congress should consider amending the law to permit endangered Afghanis to come to the U.S., at least temporarily, even if they do not satisfy all the requirements of the Afghan Allies Protection Act.  It’s good policy to show our allies that we protect them, especially when they were endangered by our own security failing.  More than that, protecting such people is the right thing to do.

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As Virginia AG Targets Immigrants, What About Asylum Seekers?

by Jason Dzubow

Virginia’s Attorney General, Ken Cuccinelli, last week released an advisory opinion concluding that law enforcement officers in the Commonwealth “may… inquire into the immigration status of persons stopped or arrested.”  The AG had previously determined that “law enforcement officers in Virginia in fact have the authority to arrest persons for criminal violations of immigration laws.”  Last week’s opinion effectively expands law enforcement’s power to inquire about a person’s immigration status:

So long as the officers have the requisite level of suspicion to believe that a violation of the law has occurred, the officers may detain and briefly question a person they suspect has committed a federal crime.

It's not "American" Gothic unless you have the ID to prove it.

It’s a little unclear to me what this means.  The opinion recognizes a distinction between civil and criminal violations of the immigration law, but it is not always clear whether the opinion is referring to civil violations, criminal violations or both. 

It’s also unclear how this advisory opinion will impact asylum seekers.  Many people in Virginia–including many of my clients–have pending asylum cases.  Some of these cases take years to resolve, and oft times the asylum seekers do not have any solid evidence of lawful status in the U.S.  At most, such people have a work permit, which is not proof positive of lawful status (in some cases, an alien’s status is terminated, but he remains in possession of his work permit).  Other times, the alien will have only a printed paper from the Immigration Court or the asylum office.  Anyone with a printer could create such a document, so it is weak proof of status. 

How then will Virginia law enforcement officers deal with asylum seekers?  Will they detain them until their status can be determined?  Detaining people who have possibly suffered past persecution and who have come to our country for help seems a cruel joke.  Or will the police simply take an alien’s word for it when she claims to be an asylum seeker?  I doubt such an “honor system” would be acceptable to the AG’s supporters.  Or maybe the police will be trained in the various documents that accompany asylum cases.  But this would be a poor use of time for officers who are already overburdened.

One possible solution would be for the federal government to immediately issue an identity document to anyone who claims asylum.  At least this would help such people avoid running afoul of local law enforcement.  As a patchwork of anti-immigrant laws spreads across the country, perhaps this type of federal intervention is the only practical way to protect people who have come here seeking asylum.

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European Court Fines Switzerland for Violating Asylum Seekers’ Rights

by Jason Dzubow

Last week, the European Court for Human Rights fined Switzerland for denying the requests of two Ethiopian asylum seekers to live with their husbands.

The applicants–Ms. Mengesha Kimfe and Ms. Agraw–and their husbands entered Switzerland illegally on different dates between 1994 and 1998 and sought asylum there.  In accordance with the Federal Asylum Act, which provides for asylum-seekers to be assigned to live in a particular canton (region), the Federal Office for Refugees assigned the applicants and their husbands to different cantons.  The couples were not married at the time.

It's a tough job keeping those feisty European states in line.

After their applications for asylum had all been refused, the asylum seekers were ordered returned to Ethiopia and placed in reception centers for refugees pending deportation.  They remained in Switzerland, however, because the Ethiopian authorities prevented their return.

The applicants got married in 2002 and 2003 respectively, but the authorities refused their requests to be assigned to the same cantons on the ground that “unsuccessful asylum seekers in respect of whom the departure date initially fixed for leaving Switzerland had elapsed [could] not be assigned to a different Canton.” 

After her marriage, Mengesha Kimfe mainly lived with her husband, illegally.  After being summoned to the police station, she was immediately taken back to her assigned canton, handcuffed.  Her application for family reunion was initially refused and subsequently granted in 2008, when she was issued a residence permit to live in the same canton as her husband.  As for Ms. Agraw, in 2005, she gave birth to a child, who lived with her, separated from his father.  Her application for a residence permit for her husband’s canton was finally granted in 2008 on the grounds of family unity.

The two women brought their complaints to the European Court of Human Rights in 2005 and 2006 respectively.  They did not contest their deportation.  Rather, they claimed that the Swiss government violated their rights by refusing to allow them to cohabitate as married couples.  The Court observed that the possibility of leading a life as a couple was one of the essential elements of the “right to respect for family life,” as protected under the European Convention on Human Rights.  The Court noted that the applicants had been prevented from constructing a family life outside Swiss territory because the Ethiopian authorities refused to allow them to repatriate.  Finally, the Court weighed the public and private interests (i.e., the Swiss right to assign asylum seekers to different cantons vs. the couples’ right to live together), and found that the private right outweighed the state interest.  Under Article 8 of the Convention (the right to respect for private and family life), the Court fined Switzerland 5,846 Euros in Ms. Mengesha Kimfe’s case and 5,526 Euros in Ms. Agraw’s case.

While a supra-national court is vital in countries where the rule of law is weak, it’s hard to imagine the United States ever submitting to international review of its legal decisions.  I for one trust our own courts more than I trust most international bodies in such matters.  Theoretically, though, the idea of enforcing international norms using legal processes is quite attractive.  The idea, of course, is to bring international courts up to (at least) the level of American courts.  If that happens, it will be easier to make the argument for international review in cases such as the one here.  I just don’t expect that to happen anytime soon.

The European Court’s press release and links to its decisions (in French only) are available here.

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Third Circuit Grants Relief to Mentally Ill Respondent

by Jason Dzubow

In a long running case that has received attention in the Guyanese press, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit has reversed the BIA’s denial of Torture Convention relief for a mentally ill man from Guyana. See Soobrian v. Attorney General, Case No. 08-4626 (3rd Cir. July 23, 2010).

Ronald Soobrian came to the United States from Guyana in 1974 as a lawful permanent resident.  He was eight years old.  Over time, he developed a mental illness and was convicted of attempted assault, an aggravated felony, which landed him in removal proceedings.  Mr. Soobrian argued that if he were returned to Guyana, he would face persecution on account of his mental health, his status as a criminal deportee, and his Indo-Guyanese ethnicity.  His conviction made him ineligible for asylum (or any other relief), and so he sought Withholding of Removal and withholding under the United Nations Convention Against Torture (“CAT”).  He also asked for an indefinite continuance so that his competency could be determined. 

The IJ (in York, Pennsylvania) denied the motion for a continuance.  The IJ also denied the application for Withholding of Removal after he found that Mr. Soobrian did not face persecution “on account of” a protected ground.  However, he granted Ms. Soobrian’s application for CAT relief, finding that it was likely that the police would arrest and torture him due to his mental illness.

The BIA affirmed the denial of Withholding, but reversed the CAT grant, holding that there was “no evidence that the authorities intentionally create and maintain poor prison conditions in order to inflict torture.”  Mr. Soobrian filed a Petition for Review in the Third Circuit.  Based on an unopposed motion, the case was remanded “for consideration of whether the class of mentally ill persons is a ‘particular social group’ for purposes of withholding of removal and to clarify the standard of review used to decide whether Soobrian established that he was ‘more likely than not’ to be tortured if removed.”

On remand, the IJ held that “mentally ill persons” could constitute a particular social group.  However, he found that the government of Guyana did not persecute mentally ill people; at worst, the government neglected them due to lack of resources.  He also found no evidence that the government could not or would not protect such people.  As such, he denied Withholding of Removal.  Once again, the IJ found that Mr. Soobrian would face arrest and torture in Guyana, and he granted CAT relief.

On appeal, the BIA again affirmed the IJ’s finding vis-a-vis Withholding of Removal.  The Board did not rule on whether “mentally ill persons” constitute a particular social group.  Instead, the Board found that even if this were a cognizable social group, the evidence did not support a finding that the government persecutes such people on account of their mental illness.  The BIA again reversed the CAT grant, holding under a de novo standard of review that “the evidence was not alone sufficient to demonstrate that his prospective torturer will have the required specific intent of inflicting severe pain or suffering.” 

In his second Petition for Review, Mr. Soobrian raised several issues, including (1) whether the BIA improperly disturbed the IJ’s decision on Mr. Soobrian’s CAT claim by reviewing the factual findings de novo, and (2) whether Mr. Soobrian should have been granted a mental competency evaluation to determine if he understood the nature of the proceedings.

As to the CAT claim, the Third Circuit agreed with Mr. Soobrian and held that the BIA erred when it reviewed that claim de novo.  Whether or not Mr. Soobrian would face torture in Guyana is a mixed question of law and fact.  Under those circumstances, “the BIA must break down the inquiry into its parts and apply the correct standard of review to the respective components.”  Because the Board did not give proper deference to the findings of the IJ, the Court granted Mr. Soobrian’s Petition concerning the CAT claim.

The Court also held that Mr. Soobrian’s due process rights were not violated when the IJ refused him a continuance due to his mental health issues.  The Court reasoned:

Under our immigration laws, there is only a passing reference to an alien’s mental competency at a removal hearing.  If it is impracticable by reason of an alien’s mental incompetency for the alien to be present at the proceeding, the Attorney General shall prescribe safeguards to protect the rights and privileges of the alien.

The Court ultimately found that Mr. Soobrian had received sufficient procedural protections.  In dicta (and relying on a Tenth Circuit decision), the Court also found that “the statute and the regulation facially appear to require no procedural safeguards if an unrepresented, mentally incompetent alien is nevertheless able to be present at his removal proceeding.” 

Fortunately for Mr. Soobrian, his family members were present at the hearing to assist him, and he seems to have been represented by excellent legal counsel.  Most mentally ill respondents will not be so lucky.  For such aliens, the minimalist procedural protections endorsed by the Third Circuit do not bode well.

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Hirsi Ali Calls for a New Way to Evaluate Asylum Seekers

by Jason Dzubow

Ayaan Hirsi Ali, a prominent critic of fundamentalist (and not so fundamentalist) Islam and the author of Infidel and Nomad, recently told The Australian that it was futile for countries to attempt to establish the bona fides of would-be refugees, not least because many asylum-seekers will say anything in order to qualify for asylum.  “Everybody lies,” she said.  Indeed, she herself admitted to lying on her own application in order to gain asylum in The Netherlands.

Instead of simply assessing whether an asylum seeker has a well-founded fear of persecution, Ms. Hirsi Ali proposes a sort-of cultural test:

[We] have to change the paradigm. You have to say, “You’re welcome, we need immigrants but there are many conditions. Here is the law, the culture, the customs. Here is what you agree to, and in exchange you get to live in a peaceful, prosperous society where you have all this opportunity. If you don’t agree we will just return you.”

First, the problem of fraudulent asylum claims is widely acknowledged (I wrote about it here).  However, Ms. Hirsi Ali’s statement that “everybody lies” on their asylum applications is simply wrong.  That would mean that no one who has been persecuted in their country has ever escaped and sought asylum abroad.  Maybe it’s a small point–as she was likely speaking in general terms–but when we’re talking about people who have been tortured and lost loved ones, it seems a bit insensitive and ungenerous.

Second, while there may be reason for a cultural test in Australia (Ms. Hirsi Ali was speaking about asylum seekers in Australia), it seems less needed in the U.S.  Ms. Hirsi Ali is concerned about importing destructive cultural practices, such as female circumcision, forced marriage, and honor killings.  She associates these practices with Islam and would basically exclude asylum seekers who refuse to adopt a more Western lifestyle.  Most people seeking asylum in the U.S. are not from countries where these practices are common.  According to the Department of Justice, almost 35% of successful asylum seekers come from China.  The next largest groups–about 4% each–come from Ethiopia and Haiti.  While these countries certainly have problems (hence people from these countries seek asylum), the asylees from these places generally embrace Western values and do not bring with them the kinds of cultural baggage that concerns Ms. Hirsi Ali.  

In addition, any type of “cultural test” for asylum seekers seems doomed to fail.  If, as Ms. Hirsi Ali says, people will “say anything,” then certainly they will falsely claim to adopt Western values in order to win asylum.   

Finally, under U.S. law, people who practice FGM or commit honor killings are not eligible for asylum (whether the adjudicator learns about these acts is another matter).  Asylum seekers who are found to have persecuted others (FGM is a form of persecution) or who have committed serious non-political crimes (like murder) may not receive asylum.  If asylees commit such crimes in the United States, they will be deported.  Asylees should be educated about these laws, and such laws need to be enforced.    

It seems that a cultural test as proposed by Ms. Hirsi Ali is not needed for asylum seekers in the United States.  We can better balance our human rights obligations with our desire to avoid negative cultural influences by educating new Americans, making it safe for people to report abusive cultural practices, and enforcing the law.

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Charles Taylor’s Son Attempts to Invalidate the Torture Convention in Order to Save Himself

by Jason Dzubow

Attorneys who specialize in political asylum generally think of the United Nations Convention Against Torture (“CAT”) as a defense to deportation.  If an alien does not qualify for asylum, he may qualify for relief under the CAT.  But a recent Eleventh Circuit decision reminds us that the CAT is a sword as well as a shield.

Glamour shot of Chuckie Taylor

On July 15, 2010, the Eleventh Circuit upheld the torture convictions and 97-year sentence imposed on the son of former Liberian President Charles Taylor, who led a notorious paramilitary unit during his father’s bloody rule.  According to the Associated Press, the younger Taylor, Charles McArthur Emmanuel, also known as Chuckie Taylor is– 

a 33-year-old U.S. citizen born in Boston while his father was a student there, [and] was convicted in 2008 of torturing or ordering the torture of dozens of the Taylor government’s political opponents with numerous gruesome techniques. These included electric shocks; bayonet stabbing; burning with cigarettes, clothes irons, melted plastic and scalding water; shoveling of biting ants on people’s bodies; and imprisoning people in water-filled holes covered by iron bars.

For his crimes, which are detailed in the Eleventh Circuit’s decision, “Chuckie” Emmanuel was sentenced to 97 years in prison.  The Court notes that his was the first prosecution under the Torture Act and sets forth the basis for the appeal:

Emmanuel, who is the first individual to be prosecuted under the Torture Act, 18 U.S.C. § 2340-2340A (“the Torture Act”), seeks reversal of his convictions on the ground that the Torture Act is unconstitutional. Primarily, Emmanuel contends that congressional authority to pass the Torture Act derives solely from the United States’s obligations as a signatory to the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Dec. 10, 1984, 1465 U.N.T.S. 85 (the “CAT”); he says the Torture Act impermissibly exceeds the bounds of that authority, both in its definition of torture and its proscription against conspiracies to commit torture.

So let’s get this straight, in an effort to avoid punishment for his crimes, Mr. Emmanuel–a man who tortured and murdered countless individuals–is attempting to limit or invalidate the CAT, a law used primarily to protect people who fear torture in their home countries.  Nice.  Fortunately, the Court soundly rejected his arguments:

After thorough review, we conclude that all of Emmanuel’s convictions are constitutional. The United States validly adopted the CAT pursuant to the President’s Article II treaty-making authority, and it was well within Congress’s power under the Necessary and Proper Clause to criminalize both torture, as defined by the Torture Act, and conspiracy to commit torture. Furthermore, we hold that… the Torture Act [applies] to extraterritorial conduct, and that [its] application in this case was proper…. Accordingly, we affirm Emmanuel’s convictions and sentence in all respects.

Mr. Emmanuel is currently serving his sentence in a federal prison in Kentucky.

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Moscow in the Hawkeye State

by Jason Dzubow

The Iowa Press-Citizen reports on a Moscow couple who moved to Iowa, and applied for political asylum in the United States.  Irakliy Surguladze and Elena Boryuk came to Iowa with their children in 2007 to escape growing tension in Russia: she is Russian and he is Georgian.  Their two countries have had a history of problems, including the deportation of several hundred Georgians from Russia in 2006 and a war in 2008.

Now, the couple is waiting for a hearing in their asylum case, which is scheduled for January 2011 in the Omaha, Nebraska Immigration Court–a court that opened its doors in October 2008 and hears cases from Nebraska and Iowa.

According to an interview with the couple by the Press-Citizen:

Life had been good for the growing family in Moscow, they said.  Both having earned advanced college degrees, Surguladze had been working as an engineer, while Boryuk had a good job with an Italian company.  He had obtained dual Russian-Georgian citizenship.  However, as tensions grew between their native countries, the family began looking for a way out, and in October 2006, they applied for political asylum at the United States Embassy in Moscow.

They learned at the Embassy that they would have to travel to the U.S. to apply for asylum, so they obtained tourist visas and came to the United States.

The Press-Citizen article does not make it clear, but apparently, the couple applied for asylum after they arrived, and their case was referred to an Immigration Judge (either that, or they were somehow placed in removal proceedings and filed a defensive asylum application). 

One issue that the couple faces is that Mr. Surguladze has dual Russian-Georgian citizenship.  This means that he would need to prove that he cannot return to Russia or Georgia.  To get around this problem, perhaps Ms. Boryuk could serve as the lead respondent (it seems she has only Russian citizenship)–if she wins, her husband will receive asylum as her dependent.  Of course, this assumes that her case is as strong as her husband’s.  

Another problem they might face is proving that they cannot relocate within Russia (it’s a big place).  If the IJ finds that they can live safely in some other part of Russia, they may be denied relief.  I once represented a Russian human rights worker from North Ossetia, a very troubled region.  We faced this same problem, but overcame it when we demonstrated that he could not obtain a propiska–a kind of residence permit–for any other part of Russia.

It sounds like their case might be difficult, and I wish them good luck.

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What Not to Wear in Court

by Jason Dzubow

From a friend, who observes court hearings, but prefers to remain anonymous:

Imagine showing up to one of the most important meetings in your life, wearing a top cut so low that there is an eminent risk of “wardrobe malfunction” or maybe with pants hanging so low it’s a miracle that you’ve not tripped as you entered the room.  

While many people have learned much about courtroom etiquette from television, such as the notion to stand up when the judge enters the courtroom, an aspect that seems to be lacking is the need to dress appropriately.  As the weather becomes warmer and warmer, it seems to bring more and more examples into court of what not to wear as people’s efforts to dress lightly clash with the more formal atmosphere in the court.

Though there is no formal dress code when appearing before immigration court and immigration officers, asylum seekers and their witnesses should keep in mind that in order not to take away the focus from their own or another’s testimony some of the following guidelines should be kept in mind:

Hats, caps, bandanas or any head dress should not be worn unless they form part of one’s religious attire.  Women should avoid wearing tube tops, tank tops, midriff, halter tops, short shorts or any other revealing clothing.  Clothing should not have obscene or profane language or illustrations, nor should one wear gang-related attire.  Clothing must cover all undergarments for both men and women.  It is also best to avoid wearing sports jerseys and brand promotional T-shirts.

If you can wear it to a drag show, it's probably safe to say that you should not wear it in court.

When it comes to shoes, one should avoid wearing flip flops (no matter how expensive they are) and no one should come to court in bare feet (You’d be surprised.)

Avoid wearing heavy perfumes, as someone might be allergic, and the hearing or interview you have been waiting for so long might have to be postponed when that person becomes ill.

It is a good idea to also remember that during summer, most buildings have central air and can be very cold, if not downright freezing.  Hearings, interviews, and even the wait for either can be very lengthy.  Carrying a sweater or jacket is a wise move, as this item can be removed if the court/interview room is warm.

One of the best ways to think about what you should wear is to ask yourself: Is this something I would wear to my church, mosque, synagogue, temple or other place of worship.  If you can wear it there, chances are you can wear it to court.  And while fashion consultant might not be part of an attorney’s formal job description, it would be good for the client to be reminded that dressing neatly and properly for court is an important part of the courtroom etiquette.

Dressing properly for court is a way to show one’s respect to the court and the proceedings; this same courtesy should be extended to USCIS officers.  After all, in the end, it is you who benefits.

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Guantanamo Detainee Deported to Algeria Fears Persecution

by Jason Dzubow

According to Al Jazeera: “A prisoner who chose to remain in Guantanamo Bay rather than face possible persecution in Algeria has been forcibly repatriated by the US government….  The US military announced on Monday that Abdul Aziz Naji, 35, had been sent back to Algeria after eight years behind bars, the first involuntary transfer from the prison under the Obama administration.”

Apparently, Mr. Naji fled from Algeria, where he feared persecution from the government and from terrorist groups.  He was arrested in Pakistan in 2002, but he was never charged with or convicted of a crime.  In May 2009, a review team tasked with deciding the fate of prisoners held in Guantanamo cleared Mr. Naji for release.

“The Obama administration recognizes how essential it is to close Guantanamo by releasing detainees it has cleared,” said Andrea Prasow, senior counterterrorism counsel at Human Rights Watch.  “But a detainee who fears being returned home should first have a genuine opportunity to demonstrate the danger he faces.”

Other Algerian detainees have “expressed fear at being forcibly returned to Algeria; one said he would rather spend the rest of his life in US custody than return to Algeria.”  After Mr. Naji’s removal, five other Algerians remain detained at Guantanamo Bay.

Mr. Naji had sought to bring his claim of feared persecution before a court, and a federal judge stopped his deportation.  However, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit overruled the lower court decision earlier this month.  The U.S. Supreme Court refused to stay his transfer pending further appeal.

According to HRW, the United States claims detainees can be returned to Algeria safely:

US officials say that the country’s human rights record has improved significantly over the past decade, and… they have asserted that the Algerian government has provided so-called “diplomatic assurances” – promises to treat returned detainees humanely.  Human Rights Watch’s research has shown that diplomatic assurances provided by receiving countries, which are legally unenforceable, do not provide an effective safeguard against torture and ill-treatment.  Algerian human rights groups report that torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment are at times used on those suspected of terror links.

Algerian detainees previously returned to Algeria have not reported serious abuse.  However, some of the remaining detainees, though never accused of any crime, might be perceived by the Algerian government as more dangerous than those who previously returned.  Therefore, HRW argues, each case must be examined individually.

In Mr. Naji’s case, it seems he originally left Algeria to escape persecution by the government and armed groups.  Now, he may face persecution on account of these original threats, as well as because the Algerian government perceives him as a terrorist (based on his detention at Guantanamo).  It seems outrageous that his applications for asylum or relief under the UN Convention Against Torture have not even been heard.  I recently represented an Algerian man in an asylum case.  Asylum was granted in that case based on my client’s fear of persecution from armed militants.  At the minimum, a U.S. court should have reviewed Mr. Naji’s claim before he was returned.

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Great Britain Rules to Protect Gay Asylum Seekers

by Jason Dzubow

From the New York Times:

The British Supreme Court on Wednesday upheld the right of gay asylum seekers not to be deported if they could show that they faced persecution in their home countries. The court ruled unanimously in favor of two men — a Cameroonian who fled his country after being attacked by an angry mob, and an Iranian who was attacked and expelled from school when his sexuality was discovered — who had lost appeals against deportation in a lower court. The lower court judges had ruled that the men could live “reasonably tolerable” lives in their home countries if they concealed their sexuality. The Supreme Court said that “to compel a homosexual person to pretend” that his sexuality does not exist amounted to denying “his fundamental right to be who he is.”

The coalition Conservative-Liberal Democrat government embraced the ruling, which reversed the policy of the former Labour government.

According to the Guardian, “Stonewall, the lesbian, gay and bisexual charity, said there were 80 UN member countries where consensual homosexual sex was still illegal, including six that imposed the death penalty.”  Anti-immigration groups feared that the ruling “could apply to millions of people around the world.”  However, (the aptly named) Lord Hope, one of the judges on the panel, stated that the ruling was necessary since anti-gay sentiment had dramatically worsened in some places, fanned by “the rampant homophobic teaching that right-wing evangelical Christian churches indulge in throughout much of sub-Saharan Africa” and “the ultra-conservative interpretation of Islamic law that prevails in Iran.”

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Ninth Circuit Rules that Guatemalan Women May Be a Particular Social Group

by Jason Dzubow

Earlier this week, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit remanded a case to the BIA to “determine in the first instance whether women in Guatemala constitute a particular social group, and, if so, whether Perdomo [the alien seeking asylum] has demonstrated a fear of persecution ‘on account of’ her membership in such a group.” See Perdomo v. Holder, No. No. 06-71652 (9th Cir. July 12, 2010). 

In that case, Lesly Yajayra Perdomo, a native and citizen of Guatemala, sought asylum based on her fear of persecution as a young woman in Guatemala.  Specifically, Ms. Perdomo argued that women were murdered in Guatemala at a high rate with impunity.  The IJ denied the application because she found that young women in Guatemala were not a cognizable social group.  The BIA affirmed, finding that a social group consisting of “all women in Guatemala” is over-broad and “a mere demographic division of the population rather than a particular social group.”  Ms. Perdomo entered the U.S. in 1991 when she was 15.  In 2003, the government issued a Notice to Appear, and Ms. Perdomo conceded removability and applied for asylum.

Guatemalan women celebrate their new social group.

The Ninth Circuit noted, “Whether females in a particular country, without any other defining characteristics, could constitute a protected social group remains an unresolved question for the BIA.”  The Court further noted, “Our case law examining asylum claims based on membership in a particular social group continues to evolve.”  The Court had previously defined “particular social group:”

A “particular social group” is one united by a voluntary association, including a former association, or by an innate characteristic that is so fundamental to the identities or consciences of its members that members either cannot or should not be required to change it.

The Court had also previously concluded that “females, or young girls of a particular clan, met our definition of a particular social group.” See Mohammed v. Gonzales, 400 F.3d 785, 798 (9th Cir. 2005).  In Mohammed, the Ninth Circuit recognized that gender is an “innate characteristic” that is “fundamental to one’s identity.” Id.  The Court found that the social group “Guatemalan women” was not necessarily overbroad: “To the extent we have rejected certain social groups as too broad, we have done so where there is no unifying relationship or characteristic to narrow the diverse and disconnected group.”  Further, the Court “rejected the notion that a persecuted group may simply represent too large a portion of a population to allow its members to qualify for asylum.”  Based on this precedential case law, the Court remanded the matter to the BIA to determine in the first instance whether “Guatemalan women” constitute a social group and, if so, whether Ms. Perdomo has demonstrated a fear of persecution “on account of” her membership in such a group.

Perdomo v. Holder is an important victory for advocates of gender based claims and, according to Karen Musalo, director of the Center for Gender Studies and a professor at Hastings College of Law, this is the first case to reach this high in the United States’ court system, which has grappled with determining gender-based claims for asylum.

This is not the end of the matter for Ms. Perdomo.  The case will be remanded for further consideration.  She will still need to prove that Guatemalan women are a social group and that her feared persecution is “on account of” her gender.  It seems like she also may not be eligible for asylum, since she filed more than one year after her arrival in the United States.  Although she still has some obstacles before her, at least the Ninth Circuit has given Ms. Perdomo a chance.

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