Riding for Refugees

Next month, thousands of bikers in Canada and the U.S. will be riding to raise money for refugees.  The event, called Ride for Refuge, takes place in more than a dozen locations in the two countries (and at least one location in Australia), and will raise money to assist refugees and others in need of refuge both locally and overseas.  The proceeds will be distributed to more than 200 churches and charities. 

Biking for refugees - Please, if you are not divine, wear a helmet.

The Ride was begun in 2004 by members of International Teams Canada, a Christian missionary group, and has thus far raised over $1.5 million.  This year, they hope to have 7,000 riders and raise an additional $1.5 million.

The Ride for Refuge is not the only Christian organization riding to help refugees.  The South West Times reports that on October 3rd, parishioners from the First Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) in Liberal, Kansas will be traveling 900+ miles to Texas to deliver goods and money to refugees there (though it does not appear they will covering the 900 miles by bike!).  The fund raiser was begun in 1979 by Feliberto Pereira, a Cuban refugee who wanted to help others in his predicament.  According to the South West Times, this will be the last year for the refugee ride, which ends at the Southwest Good Samaritan Ministries, a refugee center located near the Mexican border.

The fund raising by these groups (and other religious charities) recalls Matthew 25:  Jesus said, “For I was hungry and you gave me something to eat, I was thirsty and you gave me something to drink, I was a stranger and you invited me in, I needed clothes and you clothed me, I was sick and you looked after me, I was in prison and you came to visit me.”  Then the righteous [people asked] him, “Lord, when did we see you hungry and feed you, or thirsty and give you something to drink? When did we see you a stranger and invite you in, or needing clothes and clothe you? When did we see you sick or in prison and go to visit you?”  Jesus replied, “I tell you the truth, whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers of mine, you did for me.” 

In an age of increasing anger and xenophobia, it’s nice to see people who take the gospel seriously and who walk the walk.  And pedal the bike.

Refugee Success Stories

The largest group of asylum seekers in the Washington, DC area–and the majority of my asylum cases–are from Ethiopia, so a recent story in the Washington Post caught my attention (ok, it actually caught my wife’s attention and she emailed it to me, so she gets credit for this one).  Henok Tesfaye is an Ethiopian immigrant who started his own very-successful parking business, U Street Parking.  In some ways, Mr. Henok’s story is typical of Ethiopian immigrants and asylees that I see my daily work.  Also, his story points to some universal lessons in refugee (and immigrant) resettlement and integration.

Mr. Henok’s story is typical because he came here at a young age with little money and few contacts, but with a strong desire to achieve success.  Many of the refugees I have met (and represented) have suffered severe traumas.  Nonetheless, they are optimistic people.  They have left the past behind and have come to the United States to build their future.  They come here with the same attitude as their predecessors, be they Puritans in search of religious liberty, Russian Jews fleeing the Cossacks, or Vietnamese boat people escaping a Communist regime.  Of course they sometimes carry with them baggage from the old country–traditions that don’t always square with American values can be a problem–and they usually don’t speak fluent English.  But the refugees I have known generally contributed greatly to our community.  It is impressive that such people, who arrive here with so little, are able to accomplish so much.

Mr. Henok’s story also points to some of the challenges faced by refugees (and immigrants) in the United States.  He was struggling until he finally obtained a loan from the Ethiopian Community Development Counsel, an organization that assists new Ethiopian arrivals in the Washington, DC area:

ECDC serves as a welcoming presence as well as a bridge for dialogue and education. Through our programs, ECDC seeks to empower African newcomers; giving hope for their future and helping them quickly become self-sufficient, productive members of their communities in their new homeland.

Groups like ECDC make it possible for refugees and immigrants to adjust more quickly to the United States.  Not all refugees have community-based groups they can turn to, but there are resources available, such as the Catholic Legal Immigration Network and the Hebrew Immigration Aid Society.

Our country has a generous policy towards refugees and asylum seekers.  We should be proud that we help people fleeing persecution.  At the same time, however, we should remember that the refugees and immigrants who come here have helped enrich our nation.  Mr. Henok reminds us that this is true.

Hundreds of Refugees Set to Lose Benefits

In a recent editorial, the New York Times called on Congress and the President to protect welfare benefits for elderly and disabled refugees living in the United States.  Unless Congress acts, on October 1, 2010, about 3,800 refugees–elderly and disabled people who have suffered persecution in places like Iraq, Somalia, and Cuba–will lose welfare benefits such as Supplemental Security Income and cash assistance.  These benefits are critical for the refugees who often have no other means of support.

Save the Bubbes!

Currently, refugees are eligible for up to seven years of benefits.  After five years in the U.S., refugees can apply for United States citizenship, and once they are citizens, continue to receive benefits.  However, many refugees are unable to become citizens because they cannot meet the English language requirement or their naturalization applications are delayed.

The Times editorial concludes:

If any shreds of bipartisanship still exist in Washington, along with the belief that the United States should remain a true haven for those fleeing persecution, then Congress and President Obama will renew their support for a bill to extend benefits to elderly and disabled refugees. In time, they should adopt the permanent solution: finally delinking naturalization and artificial time limits from the granting of lifesaving assistance to these refugees.    

In difficult economic times, Congress may have a hard time justifying the (relatively small) cost of assisting these needy refugees.  However, we have already committed to resettling them, and they have been part of our community for some years.  As the editorial opines, the appropriate solution is to delink citizenship from financial assistance.  Until that happens, Congress should fulfill our commitment and protect these vulnerable individuals.

Accused Russian Spy Was an Asylee

Among the 10 people arrested and accused of “conspiring to act as unlawful agents of the Russian Federation within the United States” and “conspiracy to commit money laundering” are “Vicky Pelaez and the defendant known as ‘Juan Lazaro,'” her husband, both residents of Yonkers, New York. 

Ms. Pelaez is a journalist and a native Peruvian.  While working as a journalist in December 1984, members of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement kidnapped Ms. Pelaez and her cameraman.  She was released a day later after her TV station agreed to air a propaganda piece by the guerilla movement.  Before she was released, she apparently persuaded one of the group’s leaders to let her interview him.  The interview later appeared in a left-leaning newspaper. 

Only one man can stop the Commies and still look this good.

After the kidnapping, Ms. Pelaez and her husband came to the United States where she applied for asylum.  Her case was granted, and she went on to become a U.S. citizen and a popular writer for a Spanish language newspaper in New York.  Apparently, Ms. Pelaez has been supportive of socialist governments in Latin America, including Cuba, Venezuela and Bolivia.  She has also opposed the U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and supported the rights of Indigenous peoples and undocumented immigrants in the United States.

Ms. Pelaez’s husband, “Juan Lazaro,” admitted that the Russians paid for his home and that he passed letters to their intelligence service, but he has refused to reveal his true name, according to prosecutors.  It seems that Ms. Pelaez’s attorney is disputing this account, and I have not verified it.

All the defendants, including Ms. Pelaez’s husband, are being held without bail, except Ms. Pelaez, who is expected to be released today, although she will be confined to home detention.  It seems that she is the only member of the group that did nto receive “spy training” from the Russians.  

Ms. Pelaez’s political views have led some to believe that this is a case of political persecution by the U.S. government.  Her criminal attorney describes a conversation he had with her:

“When I first met Vicky I asked her: if you are innocent why the U.S. government would bring this charges against you.” Vicky Pelaez believes that her criticism against the U.S. policies have converted her in a target for many people “that are very angry” at her political views.

An interesting side issue is the status of her husband.  Whether he was granted asylum or came here as her derivative (or came here in some other way) is unclear.  If he received asylum himself or entered the U.S. as Ms. Pelaez’s derivative, his entry into the U.S. represents a failure of the background security check: he entered using a false name and he was apparently not born in Uruguay, as he had claimed.  Of course, the husband came to the United States 25 years ago, and the security systems have (hopefully) improved since then. 

As we learn more about this strange case, maybe the details of Ms. Pelaez and her husband’s entry into our country will be revealed.  Time will tell if there are lessons to be learned.

Rwandan Woman Who Became US Citizen Is Accused of Genocide

Beatrice Munyenyezi, 40, of Manchester, New Hampshire was indicted last week on two counts of lying to obtain her U.S. citizenship.  According to a report from the Associated Press, Ms. Munyenyezi left Rwanda in 1994 after the genocide that killed over 800,000 people.  She entered the U.S. as a refugee in 1998 and became a permanent resident one year later.  In 2003, she was sworn-in as a U.S. citizen.  In all her applications, Ms. Munyenyezi denied any involvement in the genocide.

Now federal authorities have arrested her and issued an indictment.  According to a press release from the United States Attorney’s Office:

The Indictment alleges that MUNYENYEZI obtained her U.S. citizenship unlawfully after making material misrepresentations on a number of occasions before and after she came to the United States from the country of Rwanda. In particular, the Indictment alleges that MUNYENYEZI participated, committed, ordered, oversaw, conspired to, aided and abetted, assisted in and directed persecution, kidnapping, rape and murder during the Rwandan genocide of 1994. It is alleged that MUNYENYEZI misrepresented these facts in order to obtain immigration and naturalization benefits.

If the blogosphere is to be believed, Ms. Munyenyezi’s guilt is far from certain, and the U.S. government along with corrupt U.S. government agents are complicit in an international effort to frame her and other Hutus, while ignoring atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (the Tutsi rebel group who put an end to the genocide).  While I can accept that Rwandan government leaders do not have clean hands, the effort to re-write history sounds pretty dubious to me.  At the time of the genocide, I was an intern in the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration at the U.S. State Department.  We were closely following events in Rwanda, and I don’t remember there being many questions about who was murdering whom.  That said, the U.S. government bears the burden of proving that Ms. Munyenyezi lied on her applications, and it will have to submit evidence of her involvement in the persecution.   

Ms. Munyenyezi is not the only person in her family accused of human rights violations.  A United Nations tribunal has also charged her husband and her mother with involvement in the mass murder.  If convicted in the U.S., Ms. Munyenyezi faces up to 10 years imprisonment, followed by 3 years of supervised release and a $250,000 fine, along with revocation of her U.S. citizenship.

Congressman Steve King’s Aunt Onyango Stunt

Congressman Steve King (R-Iowa) is the latest politician to exploit President Obama’s Aunt Onyango for political gain.  Zeituni Onyango is the Kenyan half sister of President Obama’s father.  She filed for asylum in 2002 and lost, but after Obama came onto the national scene, she re-applied and her application was granted.  Applications for asylum are confidential, but that doesn’t seem to bother Rep. King.  In a letter to the Chair of the Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security and International Law, he writes:

I am concerned about the public perception that favoritism played a role in the grant of asylum to Ms. Onyango.  The Boston Globe reported that “the [asylum] decision unleashed a firestorm of criticism from those who felt Onyango received preferential treatment because of her relationship with the president.”   In order to better determine whether favoritism played a role – especially because Ms. Onyango had been earlier turned down for asylum and ordered deported in 2004 before her nephew became president – the Subcommittee needs to hear from Ms. Onyango herself.  Therefore, I will invite her as the Republican witness on the second panel at Thursday’s hearing.  

While I understand that asylum proceedings are generally confidential, Margaret Wong, Ms. Onyango’s attorney, has clearly courted press attention regarding this matter.  In fact, I assume that the press learned that Ms. Onyango received asylum because of comments to the media made by Ms. Wong.  Therefore, Ms. Onyango has made herself a public figure and should have no hesitation about appearing before the Subcommittee.  Further, in order to facilitate Ms. Onyango’s appearance before the Subcommittee, I request that you and Chairman Conyers authorize the Committee to reimburse her travel expenses.

I’ve already written about Ms. Onyango’s case and the likely basis for granting her asylum.  Suffice it to say, for anyone familiar with the law of asylum, it’s no great stretch to imagine why Mr. Onyango’s case was approved.  Further, Rep. King’s attempt to blame Ms. Onyango’s attorney (who is apparently a bit of a self-promoter) for turning Ms. Onyango into a public figure is ridiculous–Ms. Onyango cannot be blamed for her attorney’s actions.  Finally, if there were any type of misconduct or improper influence in this case, why ask Ms. Onyango about it?  Why not subpoena the Immigration Judge or the DHS attorney?  The reason is simple.  Rep. King does not care about the truth.  He just wants to exploit Obama’s Aunt for his own political gain.

Refugees Have a Harder Time Attaining Self Sufficiency

Officials from the State Department, USCIS, the Department of Health and Human Services, and others have begun the process of recommending the refugee numbers–i.e., the number of refugees our country will accept–for Fiscal Year 2011.  The annual ceiling has been 80,000 refugees per year for the last three years, though we have never actually reached the ceiling: In FY 2008, we admitted 60,191 refugees and in FY 2009, we admitted 74,654 refugees.  Officials expect to admit about 73,000 refugees in FY 2010.

Because of the troubled economy, those refugees who are resettled in the United States are having a more difficult time achieving self sufficiency.  Government Executive reports:

Every refugee arriving in the country is provided with a sponsor affiliated with one of 10 national volunteer agencies that work to help refugees adjust to life in the United States. They provide a litany of services, including help finding work, enrolling children in schools and adults in English language classes, and finding medical care.  Refugees are eligible for public assistance and medical care for at least eight months, and sometimes longer, depending on family status and the state they live in.  They also receive about $1,100 in direct financial assistance after they arrive in the country.

Under a new government employment program, all refugees entering the U.S. will receive a free t-shirt.

The agencies are finding it more difficult to place refugees in jobs.  The State Department even claims to be informing refugees overseas about the difficult economy in the U.S., so they can make an informed decision about whether to resettle here or in another country.

Before I went to law school, I worked as a job developer at an agency that helped resettle refugees in Philadelphia.  I would travel around the city visiting employers, looking for job openings for my clients.  The jobs were often less than exciting.  I remember one man who worked as a parking lot attendant.  He had been the Minister of Finance for the Ethiopian army.  Another man had designed complex radar systems in the Soviet Union.  In America, he worked in a machine shop.  Such people have fled their countries to save their lives and their families’ lives.  The transition to a new culture often sets them back in ways that can never be overcome.  The plight of such refugees is not easy.  I am proud that my country accepts them and tries to help them live better lives.

Briefing in Advance of World Refugee Day

The Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration of the Department of State and the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) of the Department of Homeland Security co-hosted a background press briefing on June 3, 2010 on U.S. refugee and asylum-seeker resettlement programs. The discussion was held in advance of World Refugee Day, June 20, 2010.

The speakers gave basic background information on refugee and asylum issues and answered journalists’ questions (for purposes of this briefing, your humble blogger was considered a journalist).  The speakers explained that refugees were people outside the United States who had suffered past persecution or who had a well-founded fear of future persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion or particular social group.  Asylum seekers are people who are in the United States (or at the border) who claim that they are refugees.  A few points that I thought were interesting:

Most refugees come to the U.S. from Iraq, Bhutan (via Nepal), and Burma (via Thailand and Malaysia).  The top three countries that accept refugees are the United States, Canada, and Australia.  The number of refugees resettled in the U.S. has increased 25% from last fiscal year.

For cases heard at the eight Asylum Offices in the U.S., a supervisor reviews every case.  Certain sensitive cases are reviewed by headquarters.  Asylum Officers receive an initial six weeks of training and then four hours of training each week.  Officers are trained to identify fraudulent documents. 

USCIS is working on a system to share biometric data with other countries; Canada in particular.  Presumably, the purpose of this is to determine whether the asylum applicant previously filed for asylum in another country and was rejected.

Violence along the Mexican border has caused some Mexicans to seek asylum at the border (though over the past few years, the number of Mexican asylum seekers has been dropping).  In the first six months of FY 2010, 233 Mexican nationals expressed a fear of persecution at the border.  Of those, 84 were deemed to have a “credible fear” and were referred to an Immigration Judge for an asylum hearing.  We can assume that the other 149 people were found not to have a credible fear of persecution and were removed under the expedited removal rules.

If you are wondering, I asked about a problem I have heard about from a number of clients and clients’ family members.  When an alien expresses a fear of return to her country, the ICE or CBP officer is supposed to refer the person for a credible fear interview with a USCIS Asylum Officer.  Apparently in some cases where a detained alien, or an alien at the border, expresses a fear of persecution, the ICE officer tries to convince the alien to sign papers agreeing to removal, and to not make a claim for asylum.  I have heard about this from different sources, though many of the people involved are expressing a fear of persecution by criminal gangs in Central America.  The USCIS spokesperson was not aware of the problem and indicated that ICE and CBP officers are supposed to refer such cases for credible fear interviews.

Fraud and Asylum

A recent report from Ireland found that almost two thirds of asylum seekers who claimed to be from Somalia were lying.  The investigation found that the “Somalis” were from other countries, such as Tanzania, Kenya, and Yemen.  Apparently, some of the asylum seekers were found out based on language or a lack thereof; others had previously applied for visas to the UK using different nationalities.  There may be some reason to doubt whether these techniques for outing “Somalis” are valid.  For example, some Somali nationals may have been refugees for many years, raised in other countries without knowledge of Somali languages.  Others may have used false passports from other countries to travel to Europe.  Nevertheless, the high percentage of cases that are likely fraudulent presents a problem for the “system” and for those who represent asylum seekers. 

Of course, the problem is not confined to Europe.  In 2007, the U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia issued a cable (I have not been able to find it online) entitled: Report on fraud trends in Ethiopian asylee claims: A guide for DHS adjudicators.  The cable talks about “following to join” cases where an alien has been granted asylum in the United States and has filed a form I-730 for his relatives to join him in the U.S.  From August 2005 to May 2006, the Embassy reviewed 1,449 following-to-join cases, which represented 288 asylum grants in the United States.  The Embassy writes that “Almost every [following-to-join] interview at Post uncovers information that calls into question the petitioner’s original claim.”  In addition, the Embassy has found that “more than 75 percent of documents investigated were fraudulent” and consular officers “suspect that the fraud rate is well over 50 percent.”  Again, there may be problems with the Embassy’s methods of investigating fraud, but the cable certainly presents evidence of a problem. 

The U.S. Embassy in Cameroon has issued a cable similar to the Ethiopian cable.  It states that asylum claims have increased dramatically since 1992.  The Embassy knows of no corresponding increase in political problems, though the economy has gotten worse, leading to the conclusion that many asylum seekers are economic migrants (the State Department Report on Human Rights conflicts somewhat with this view, listing human rights abuses such as torture, arbitrary arrest, and life-threatening prison conditions).  The Embassy also reports that Cameroonians have been detained entering the United States with all sorts of fake documents that could be used to create fraudulent asylum claims.  Relatives following to join frequently know nothing about the asylees’ political activities or persecution.  As a result of this fraud, non-immigrant visa refusal rates have increased from 35% in 2001 to 60% in 2004.  Further, the Embassy complains that fraudulent applications and following-to-join applications have dramatically increased its workload.  It recommends that Cameroonian asylum cases be viewed skeptically. 

Other evidence is more anecdotal.  A recent report from the blogosphere–I cannot vouch for the report’s credibility–indicates that an Ethiopian diplomat at the Embassy in Washington, DC quit his job, claimed asylum, and then returned to work at the Embassy as a public relations officer.  He was even listed on the Embassy website.  The report states that the diplomat’s asylum claim was false, and urged the U.S. government and the Ethiopian government to investigate.  

The problem of fraud presents a dilemma for attorneys who specialize in asylum and a challenge to the “system.” 

Attorneys who specialize in asylum have generally entered the field to assist those who genuinely fear persecution (we certainly don’t specialize in asylum for the money!), not to help facilitate fraud.  However, for the most part, we can’t know which cases are genuine and which are not, and it’s sometimes dangerous to judge.  I remember one Ethiopian woman whose case I doubted.  We won, and a few months later she returned to my office and asked whether I could help her find a doctor.  Ever since her detention and beating, she said, she had been suffering pain on one side of her body.  Although I don’t know whether this was true or not, she had no reason to lie.  Experiences like this make me cautious about judging my client’s veracity.  Instead, it’s better to represent my clients to the best of my ability and to let the Immigration Judge decide the case.

The problem of fraud also presents a challenge to the legal system.  Our country has–I think quite properly–taken a generous approach to asylum.  We would rather allow some fraudulent cases to succeed than turn away genuine asylum seekers.  Of course, if fraud becomes too pervasive, it might cause us to re-consider how we evaluate asylum claims.  The Australia government recently initiated a six-month freeze on processing asylum applications filed by Afghani and Sri Lankan asylum seekers who arrive by sea.  The system was becoming overwhelmed by applicants, and the government reacted with a heavy hand.  Such a broad brush approach is questionable under international law, and would obviously affect legitimate and illegitimate asylum seekers. 

So what can be done to reduce fraudulent asylum claims?

The U.S. Embassy in Cameroon suggests that DHS check asylum applications with records obtained at the Embassy to determine whether family members listed on the asylum form were also mentioned at the Embassy.  This would avoid the problem of asylum seekers “adding” family members in order to bring them to the U.S. after they win asylum.  If “false family members” could not follow to join, the incentive for seeking asylum might be reduced. 

Also, more generally, documented information at the Embassy could be compared with information in the asylum application.  Theoretically, this should happen already, but DHS has limited resources, and this method seems to have limited value, as most biographical information is consistent between the Embassy and the asylum application.

In many cases, friends and relatives in the home country submit letters in support of an applicant’s claim.  Such people could be called to the Embassy for questioning.  It is more difficult to create a fraudulent case if people in the home country are required to testify about the claimed persecution.  Of course, this would have to be done while maintaining confidentiality, but this should be possible given that such people already know about the asylum claim (having written letters in support of the claim).

Another option is to identify attorneys and notarios who prepare claims deemed suspicious.  Such people should be investigated and, if evidence of fraud is uncovered, prosecuted.  This, to me, is the easiest and most effective solution.  The DHS attorneys generally know who is producing and/or facilitating fraudulent claims.  Why not send an undercover investigator posing as a client to the suspected attorney?  If the attorney suggests that the “client” engage in fraud, the attorney could be charged with a crime (that is exactly what happened to a Washington State couple who helped create fraudulent asylum cases).  Such tactics would reduce fraud by eliminating the purveyors of fraud and by deterring others who might engage in such practices.

The trick is to reduce fraud without preventing legitimate asylum seekers from gaining protection.

A Short “Wish List” for the Refugee Protection Act

The RPA provides important new protections to asylum seekers, particularly the most vulnerable asylum seekers such as people who are pro se or detained.  However, I can think of a couple important issues that are not addressed.  Below are some problems that my clients have faced over and over again, and some suggested solutions.

The Asylum Clock 

The broken asylum clock isn't even correct twice a day

Within the circle of attorneys who represent asylum seekers, the “asylum clock” may be the most discussed problem in need of resolution (Penn State Dickinson School of Law recently issued a comprehensive report about the asylum clock). When a client files an affirmative application for asylum, the clock starts to run.  When the clock reaches 150 days, the applicant may file for an Employment Authorization Document (“EAD”).  The EAD is very important because it allows an asylum seeker to work legally in the United States, and serves as a form of identification.  The problem is, if the alien does anything to delay his case, the clock stops, and generally will not re-start.  So, for example, if an alien is represented by counsel, and the attorney cannot accept a particular court date due to a conflict, the clock stops and the alien never receives an EAD.  Also, when an unrepresented asylum seeker asks for more time to find an attorney, the clock stops.  It is usually impossible to restart the clock. 

Aliens who enter the United States without inspection or aliens who file for asylum after one year in the U.S. do not have a clock, and it is usually not possible for them to obtain an EAD.

Thus, many asylum seekers endure one to two year waits (which are common in Immigration Court) without the ability to work legally, and without any form of identification.

One possible solution to this problem is to give the Immigration Judges more authority to grant an EAD.  If the alien is deliberately causing delay in his case, the IJ should not grant an EAD.  But where the delay is not caused by the alien or is reasonable, the alien should receive an EAD.

Employment Authorization Document

A second area in need of reform is the EAD itself.  Aliens granted asylum, withholding of removal, or relief under the UN Convention Against Torture (“CAT”) are entitled to an EAD.  The EAD is valid for one year and must then be renewed.  The validity period of the EAD should be changed to at least two years.

Aliens with asylum generally apply for their lawful permanent residency (i.e., their green card) after one year.  However, aliens who have withholding of removal or CAT relief are not eligible to become LPRs.  Such aliens must renew their EADs every year.  This can be problematic for a number of reasons.  First, the cost to renew is $340.00 every year.  For aliens with limited means, this sum may be prohibitive.  Second, assuming the alien remembers to file on time, the new EAD may or may not arrive prior to the expiration of the old EAD.  If the new EAD does not arrive in time, the alien’s job might be jeopardized, as employers will often terminate employees without a valid EAD.  Third, many states link the driver’s license to the EAD, so when the EAD expires, the driver’s license expires.  Even if the EAD arrives on time, there may be a delay in renewing the driver’s license.  The alien could be left without a valid driver’s license (or any valid ID).

These problems would be greatly reduced if the EAD were valid for two (or more) years, instead of one year. 

Finally, Some Media Attention

The RPA has been largly ignored by the media.  Last week, Josh Shahyar had an article in the Huffington Post, “The Immigration Bill No One Is Talking About.”  Hopefully the article adds some momentum to the push for this worthy piece of legislation.

FAIR Asks EOIR to Violate the Law in Aunt Onyango’s Case

The Federation for American Immigration Reform is calling upon the Justice Department and the Executive Office for Immigration Review (“EOIR”) to violate the law and make public the record in the recently-decided asylum case of President Obama’s aunt.  PR Newswire reports:

Today’s decision granting President Obama’s aunt, Zeituni Onyango, political asylum provides a case study in how those seeking to evade U.S. immigration laws can manipulate the system, charged the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR).  FAIR also demanded that the entire record of her case, which was rendered after years of delay and after Ms. Onyango refused to comply with a deportation order, be made public.

Judge Leonard Shapiro did not reveal the basis for his decision to grant asylum to Ms. Onyango and Ms. Onyango’s attorney has declared that his client wants to keep the decision confidential.  “Given Onyango’s relationship to the president, the American people have a right to know on what grounds Ms. Onyango’s asylum was granted,” [FAIR President Dan] Stein said.  “Illness and political turmoil in one’s homeland are not recognized as grounds for being granted asylum.  Defining asylum so broadly not only exceeds any reasonable interpretation of the law, but would make countless millions of people around the world eligible for asylum in the U.S.   Americans deserve to know whether the system worked.”

Of course Mr. Stein has no idea why Ms. Onyango was granted asylum, but that clearly did not stop him from forming an opinion.  Worse, his “demand” that the decision be made public directly contradicts the law.  From the EOIR Practice Manual:

Evidentiary hearings involving an application for asylum or withholding of removal (“restriction on removal”), or a claim brought under the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, are open to the public unless the respondent expressly requests that the hearing be closed.  In cases involving these applications or claims, the Immigration Judge inquires whether the respondent requests such closure. 

Ms. Onyango has requested that the hearing be closed and that should be the end of the matter.  Confidentiality in asylum cases is important to protect asylum seekers and their families.  While there are legitimate issues to be raised concerning the asylum process, Mr. Stein’s “demand” demonstrates his callous disregard for the rights and safety of asylum seekers.   

Lawsuit Challenges USCIS Policy on Asylee Family Reunification

On May 5, 2010 The New York Legal Assistance Group (NYLAG) filed a class action complaint in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York.  The lawsuit, styled Tsamcho v. Napolitano, challenged a USCIS policy that threatens to deprive asylees of the opportunity to bring their spouses and children into this country.  

For its bad policy, USCIS gets a wag of the finger.

The plaintiff, Lhakpa Tsamcho, is a Tibetan woman who received asylum in the United States after she fled persecution in the People’s Republic of China.  USCIS approved the petitions to bring her husband and three children to the United States.  However, due to travel restrictions imposed on Tibetans by the Chinese government following unrest in March 2008, Tsamcho’s family members were unable to reach the U.S. consulate.  After they failed to appear for their interviews, USCIS reopened their approved cases and denied the petitions.

Thus, the same persecution against Tibetans that was the basis for USCIS’s grant of asylum to Tsamcho has now lead to USCIS’s refusal to allow Tsamcho’s relatives to join her in the United States.  

“Asylees affected by the [U.S.] government’s new policy have done everything required by law to reunite their families in the United States, yet they may now be permanently prevented from doing so,” said Jason Parkin, one of the NYLAG attorneys on the case.  “It makes no sense to tell an asylee that her relatives are eligible to join her in this country, only to later reverse that decision simply because they weren’t able to appear at an appointment or bring certain documents.”

The lawsuit challenges USCIS’s new asylee family reunification policy, charging the agency with acting in violation of its own regulations, taking actions that are arbitrary and capricious, and implementing a new policy without providing proper notice to the public.

The Refugee Protection Act and the Material Support Bar

This is part dieux in our series of posts about the Refugee Protection Act.  Today’s topic is the “Material Support Bar,” INA § 212(a)(3)(B)(iv)(VI), which states that an alien who commits an act that he “knows, or reasonably should know, affords material support” to a terrorist organization is inadmissible.  As written, the law makes no exception for instances where the alien has been coerced into providing support.  The RPA would change that.

About a year ago, I represented an elderly Iraqi Christian woman who had received threats from unknown people seeking to extort money.  The people threatened to murder her son.  As a result of the threats, and in order to save her son, the women gave money to the extortionists.  Given that these people were likely terrorists, the woman faced a bar to obtaining asylum in the U.S.  We relied on a USCIS memorandum, which allowed for limited exceptions to the material support bar in the case of duress, and the woman received asylum.  A pro se applicant might not have access to that memorandum, and might not be able to relate the relevant facts necessary to meet the exception to the material support bar.

The Refugee Protection Act creates an exception to the material support bar for people who have been coerced to provide material support to terrorists.  This would reduce or eliminate the problem of denying asylum to people who have been victimized by terrorists.

Asylum Seekers Face Arrest Under New Arizona Law

The Center for Immigration Studies–which describes itself as “low-immigration, pro-immigrant”–celebrated the passage of new anti-illegal immigrant legislation in Arizona (Federalism Lives!): 

State lawmakers have passed a bill to make it a state crime to reside in the state without proof of lawful U.S. residence.  The legislation also empowers police officers to check a suspect’s immigration status. 

The legislation has yet to be signed by the governor, and will likely face court challenges from pro-immigration groups.  According to Time Magazine, if enacted, the new law would give Arizona police the right to stop anyone on “reasonable suspicion” that they may be an illegal immigrant.  It also allows the police to arrest anyone who is not carrying a valid driver’s license or identity papers.  The legislation provides:  

For any lawful contact made by a law enforcement official or agency of this state or a county, city, town or other political subdivision of this state where reasonable suspicion exists that the person is an alien who is unlawfully present in the United States, a reasonable attempt shall be made, when practicable, to determine the immigration status of the person.  The person’s immigration status shall be verified with the federal government pursuant to 8 United States code section 1373(c)

CIS hopes that that the legislation will encourage other states to follow suit: “More states should follow Arizona’s lead and flex their federalist muscles.”  The proposed law has been harshly criticized for many reasons, including that it will encourage racial profiling. 

But how will such legislation impact asylum seekers? 

For better or worse, many asylum seekers enter the United States at the Mexican border.  The Washington Times recently reported on a Somali asylum seeker who attempted to enter illegally and was detained in California.  I myself (located in Washington, DC) have litigated a number of asylum cases for Ethiopians who have made the long journey from Ethiopia through Africa, South and Central America, and Mexico into the United States.  Some asylum seekers evade capture, enter the U.S., and file affirmative asylum applications.  Others are detained at the border and file for asylum while held in detention.  Certainly, people crossing the border in this manner present a security concern for our country.  Many, however, are legitimate asylum seekers with a real fear of returning to their countries. 

People who are detained at the border, determined to have a “credible fear” of persecution, and found not to present a security threat, are released (usually after paying a bond) and ordered to present their asylum cases before an immigration judge.  Such people have little evidence of lawful status in the United States–usually just some papers from ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) ordering them to report to the IJ.  Such papers could easily be created by anyone with a printer, so they cannot serve as ID documents.  Also, having entered illegally, such asylum seekers are generally not eligible for a work permit, which some asylum seekers use as an ID.  If asylum seekers who enter at the border cannot prove their legal status in the U.S., they will face arrest under the new Arizona law. 

The law might also cause problems for aliens granted withholding of removal under INA § 241(b)(3) or withholding under the UN Convention Against Torture.  Such aliens are eligible for work permits, which can serve as an ID card.  However, the work permits are issued for one year at a time, and aliens must reapply every year for their work permits.  If the card arrives late (or if the alien forgets to apply on time), the old permit might expire before the new card arrives.  This is a common occurrence and will likely leave the alien with no valid ID since an alien’s driver’s license expires concurrent with the work permit.  The result is that aliens in valid legal status, who have been deemed at risk for persecution or torture in their home countries, will be vulnerable to arrest under the new Arizona law.

We can only hope that the legislature will address these problems before the new law goes into effect.

Refugee Recommendations from the CIS Ombudsman

The CIS Ombudsman, January Contreras, has issued recommendations regarding the adjudication of applications for refugee status.  According to the DHS website, the Citizenship and Immigration Services Ombudsman assists individuals and employers in resolving problems with USCIS; identifies areas in which individuals and employers have problems in dealing with USCIS; and proposes changes to mitigate identified problems.

Concerning the adjudication of applications for refugee status, the Ombudsman recommends that USCIS:

(1) Publicly state, on the USCIS website and through stakeholder groups, the criteria by which USCIS expedites certain emergent refugee cases and how to access that expedited process. 

(2) Clearly state the reason for denying a refugee application: (a) Identify issues of concern during the applicant’s interview to enable the applicant to address, at that time, any potential grounds for denial; and (b) Articulate in the Notice of Ineligibility for Resettlement clear and case-specific information regarding the grounds for denial.(3) Issue guidance on how to file a Request for Reconsideration for a denied refugee application: (a) Provide a tip sheet on relevant supporting documents outlining the information applicants could include; and (b) Publish mailing address(es) for Request for Reconsideration submissions. 

(4) Acknowledge receipt of each Request for Reconsideration.

Suggestions or comments about the recommendations may be directed to CISOmbudsman@dhs.gov.