U.S. Sex Offender Receives Asylum in Canada

by Jason Dzubow

A convicted sex offender who fled the United States to escape her 30-year prison sentence has been granted protected person status in Canada.

Canadian boys celebrated the decision in Ms Harvey's case.
Canadian boys celebrated the decision in Ms Harvey’s case.

In August 2008, Denise Harvey was convicted in a Florida court for having sex with a 16 year-old boy–a friend of her son’s. After refusing a plea deal for 11 years, Ms. Harvey went to trial. She was convicted and sentenced to 30 years in prison. While her appeal was pending, she remained free on $150,000.00 bond. In 2010, when it became clear that the appeal had failed and that she would have to report to prison, Ms. Harvey fled to Canada.

She crossed the border and moved to Saskatchewan with her husband. They settled in a small community outside Saskatoon.

The Law caught up with Ms. Harvey in April 2011, when Canadian authorities arrested her. Later that month, she appeared before an Immigration and Refugee Board (“IRB”) adjudicator and was released on a $5,000.00 bond. Ms. Harvey requested “protected person status” and claimed that the 30-year sentence was cruel and unusual. She noted that her crime–having consensual sex with a 16-year old–was not illegal in Canada.

The IRB agreed that the sentence was cruel and unusual and granted Ms. Harvey protected person status. To obtain protected person status, an applicant must show that returning to the home country would subject the person to torture, cruel and unusual punishment or death. No nexus to a protected ground is required. People who received protected person status are eligible to apply for permanent residency and eventually obtain Canadian citizenship.

The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, Chris Alexander, appealed the IRB ruling on two occasions, but Ms. Harvey’s protected person status was finally upheld last month. The Minister commented:

I find it mind-boggling that individuals from the United States, which has been designated a safe country, precisely because it respects human rights and does not normally produce refugees, think it is acceptable to file asylum claims in Canada. Lucky for them, they have no understanding of what true persecution is, and what it means to be a genuine refugee.

I am not sure that Ms. Harvey would agree with him. And luckily for her, the Canadian courts did not agree with him either. I suppose this highlights the old trope that no country is safe for everyone all the time (and indeed, even in the United States, Ms. Harvey is not without her supporters. In her home community of Vero Beach, Florida, 2,000 people–more than 10% of the total population–signed a petition requesting that Florida’s governor pardon her).

As for me, I must agree that a 30-year sentence for consensual sex with a 16-year-old boy is a bit over the top. Of course, reasonable people can differ about this, but the Canadians (and who is more reasonable than the Canadians?) have not even criminalized this behavior. Also, there is no indication that the victim suffered particular trauma as a result of the “unlawful sexual activity.” If there was evidence that he had been traumatized by Ms. Harvey’s conduct, then the punishment might be more easily justified.

While I agree with the result, the IRB decision does leave some unanswered questions: Would the decision have been the same if the perpetrator was a man and the victim was a 16-year-old girl? What if the sentence had been less severe? Does Canada plan to offer protected status to every U.S. citizen convicted for a crime that is not punishable in Canada? Does it plan to evaluate each U.S. sentence to determine whether it is “cruel and unusual”? The death penalty has been eliminated in Canada, so if a U.S. citizen facing the death penalty reaches Canada, will he be offered protected status?

The Canadians may have to deal with these issues in future cases, but Ms. Harvey’s case is relatively easy. The sentence is so excessive and the crime so seemingly minor that Ms. Harvey appears deserving of protection. Only time will tell if other convicted criminals will follow Ms. Harvey’s lead. If so, it will be interesting to see how the Canadian authorities respond, and if the U.S. government takes offense.

Continue reading

4 Comments

“Refugee Status” as a Mitigating Factor in Death Penalty Cases

by Jason Dzubow

The U.S. Department of Justice recently gave notice that it would be seeking the death penalty in the case of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, the surviving Boston Marathon bomber. Mr. Tsarnaev and his brother allegedly killed three people in the bombing and one more person during their flight. Over 260 people were maimed or injured.

Dzhokhar Tsarnaev
Dzhokhar Tsarnaev

The DOJ determined that the death penalty is appropriate in the case because of the “heinous, cruel and depraved manner” that the murders were committed, that there was “substantial planning and premeditation,” multiple victims, and a “vulnerable victim” (a reference to Martin Richard, an eight year old boy killed in the attack). The notice also mentions several “non-statutory aggravating factors,” including the fact that Mr. Tsaenaev–

received asylum from the United States; obtained citizenship and enjoyed the freedoms of a United States citizen; and then betrayed his allegiance to the United States by killing and maiming people in the United States.

Other “non-statutory aggravating factors” are that Mr. Tsarnaev targeted the “iconic” Boston Marathon and that he showed a lack of remorse for his crimes.

I must admit that I have mixed feelings about the death penalty. I don’t believe it serves as a deterrent, and I do think there are serious racial and class disparities in its application. In addition, there is a real danger that innocent people or people with mental disabilities will be put to death. On the other hand, if the death of the murderer brings comfort or closure or a sense of safety to the victim’s friends and family, I believe those feelings are legitimate and should be given considerable weight.

In some ways, the Tsarnaev case is less complicated than the average death penalty case. There are no issues (at least I don’t see any) regarding race, class or mental health, and there seems to be no doubt that Mr. Tsarvaev is guilty. But what about the fact that Mr. Tsarnaev is a refugee?

In its death penalty notice, the DOJ mentions Mr. Tsarnaev’s asylum status as an aggravating factor–We helped him by granting him asylum, and then he betrayed us by bombing the marathon. Mr. Tsarnaev’s attorneys will, no doubt, view his asylum status quite differently, and could try to use that status as a mitigating factor. The relevant U.S. Code section (18 U.S.C. § 3592) lists several possible mitigating factors, including the following:

Impaired capacity.— The defendant’s capacity to appreciate the wrongfulness of the defendant’s conduct or to conform conduct to the requirements of law was significantly impaired, regardless of whether the capacity was so impaired as to constitute a defense to the charge.

Duress.— The defendant was under unusual and substantial duress, regardless of whether the duress was of such a degree as to constitute a defense to the charge.

Disturbance.— The defendant committed the offense under severe mental or emotional disturbance.

Other factors.— Other factors in the defendant’s background, record, or character or any other circumstance of the offense that mitigate against imposition of the death sentence.

The first three factors seem like a bit of a stretch, but you can imagine some type of argument tying Mr. Tsarnaev’s mental state to the trauma of being a refugee. Indeed, I would guess that there are at least two types of trauma that refugees suffer: The trauma of the events that led them to flee their country, and the trauma of the refugee/resettlement process itself. There are certainly examples of refugees who engage in self-destructive behavior (I’ve written about that issue here), but without something more–such as a diagnosed mental illness–I doubt refugee status alone would qualify Mr. Tsarnaev for mitigation under one of the first three factors listed above.

The fourth factor–the catch all–provides the most likely opportunity for Mr. Tsarnaev to demonstrate how his status as a refugee might mitigate his punishment. He could argue that he was young, isolated in a new country, heavily reliant on his older brother (who participated in the bombing and was later killed), and influenced by terrible events in his homeland. While I can believe that Mr. Tsarnaev’s refugee status helped shape, and perhaps distort, his worldview, I have a much harder time accepting these problems as a mitigating factor here.

Had his crime been substance abuse, or even some type of impulsive, violent act, I could see how refugee status might be viewed as a mitigating factor and how there might be opportunities for positive intervention in his life. But in this case, Mr. Tsarnaev and his brother planned, prepared, and carried out a terrorist attack. This is not the type of crime that results from a traumatic past. It is the type of crime that comes from having a distorted world view and a total disregard for human life.

I have known many refugees, and many people who have suffered severe trauma–much more severe than anything I have heard about in the Tsarnaev case. While most such people work hard to overcome their past difficulties, some turn to drugs or alcohol; others commit crimes. But none are like the Tsarnaevs. Their’s was a carefully planned and orchestrated act. To allow Dzhokhar Tsarnaev to use his refugee status as a mitigating factor would be an insult to the many refugees who have overcome their terrible past. While there may be other factors that allow Mr. Tsaenaev to avoid the death penalty, his status as a refugee should not be one of them.

Continue reading

5 Comments

Ethiopian Refugees Help Catch Their Persecutors

by Jason Dzubow

In the Ethiopian-American community, at long last, the hunters have become the hunted. 

Members of the community have created a new website to share information and help bring to justice Ethiopian human rights abusers living in the United States. The founders of the website, called YaTewlid (meaning “The Generation”), are themselves torture survivors. They have been inspired by a few recent prosecutions of Ethiopian human rights abusers in the United States.

The most recent case involved a high-ranking prison guard during the time of the Red Terror in Ethiopia (1977-78). Earlier this month, Kefelgn Alemu Worku was convicted of immigration fraud after he entered the U.S. using a false name and lied about his background. According to the Denver Post, those who witnessed against him testified that Mr. Kefelgn tortured and murdered hundreds of prisoners, including one witnesses’ best friend. Mr. Kefelgn faces up to 22 years in prison (for the fraud) and then deportation to Ethiopia where, presumably, he would not receive a friendly reception.

Kefelgn Alemu Worku proves that time wounds all heels.
Kefelgn Alemu Worku proves that time wounds all heels.

As an aside, Mr. Kefelgn’s case demonstrates why the various immigration forms ask questions like, Are you a persecutor? or Have you ever committed a crime? On their face, the questions seems silly–what self-respecting persecutor would admit that he was a persecutor? The U.S. government does not necessarily expect persecutors and criminals to admit their misdeeds (though that would be nice). Rather, if the government discovers evidence that the alien is a persecutor, it is a lot easier to prosecute him for immigration fraud than for the actual crimes he committed in his country. And that is exactly what happened to Mr. Kefelgn. He was prosecuted not for his war crimes, but instead for his immigration fraud (this reminds me of how the government prosecuted Al Capone for tax evasion rather than murder). 

As of this writing, the YaTewlid website is only in Amharic, but its founders hope to have an English version in the future. I had an Amharic-speaking friend check it out. She reports that the website needs some work, but it will potentially be a useful tool for uncovering human rights abusers living in the U.S.

It seems to me that DHS/ICE would do well to talk to groups such as YaTewlid, since the people best able to ferret out criminals (and fraudsters) are members of the various immigrant communities. 

Indeed, ICE does have a special unit, called the Human Rights Violators and War Crimes Unit (HRVWCU – though I think they need a more sexy acronym), which is part of the National Security Investigations Division. According to its website, HRVWCU–

conducts investigations focused on human rights violations in an effort to prevent the United States from becoming a safe haven to those individuals who engage in the commission of war crimes, genocide, torture, and other forms of serious human rights abuses from conflicts around the globe.

The unit has had its fair share of successes. Again, from the website:

Since fiscal year 2004, ICE has arrested more than 250 individuals for human rights-related violations under various criminal and/or immigration statutes. During that same period, ICE has denied more than 117 individuals from obtaining entry visas to the United States and created more than 20,000 subject records, which prevented identified human-rights violators from attempting to enter the United States. In addition, ICE successfully obtained deportation orders to physically remove more than 590 known or suspected human rights violators from the United States. Currently, ICE is pursuing more than 1,900 leads and removal cases that involve suspected human rights violators from nearly 96 different countries.

The efforts of HRVWCU are crucial to preventing human rights abusers from taking advantage of our immigration and asylum systems, and to protecting the integrity of those systems. The cooperation of community groups such as YaTewlid is also crucial to this effort.

It is in the interest of everyone–government, immigrant groups, and “the system”– to find, punish, and deport human rights abusers. Only in this way can we provide some justice for the victims and keep the door open to legitimate refugees who need our protection.

Continue reading

6 Comments

Arguing with Idiots–or–Why We Still Need HIAS

by Jason Dzubow

For some reason, the Washington Jewish Week–the local Jewish newspaper where I live–found me, and decided I needed a subscription. So for the last few months, I’ve been receiving the paper free of charge (yeh, yeh – insert Jewish joke here).

At first, I was pleased, as I thought it would be good to learn more local Jewish news. But as I read more, I became less thrilled. If the WJW’s goal is to make Jews like me feel part of a larger community, it has failed. The paper might be fine for those Jews (a minority in DC) who oppose President Obama at all costs, support Israeli occupation of the West Bank for all eternity, and who generally don’t like Muslims. But for the majority of us, the–dare I say it–liberal Jews, the paper only helps alienate us from the broader community.

Don’t get me wrong, I enjoy reading points of view that differ from my own–when they are well-reasoned and based on facts. But that’s not the WJW.

The editorial that has most recently raised my hackles is basically a hit piece against the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS).

With its mission accomplished, HIAS employees can finally relax.
With its mission accomplished, HIAS employees can finally relax.

As you may know, HIAS was founded in the late 19th century to help Jewish refugees from Eastern Europe. Over the years, the organization has changed to reflect changing needs. It helped Jewish refugees during and after the two World Wars. Later, it helped thousands of Jewish refugees fleeing the Soviet Block, Ethiopia, Iran, and other countries. HIAS also helped eliminate the discriminatory immigration quota system in the U.S. that–among other things–blocked many Jews from escaping the Holocaust. HIAS also assisted Vietnamese refugees after the fall of Saigon. As the number of Jewish refugees has (thankfully) fallen, HIAS’s mission has evolved. These days, most of its work has little to do with helping Jewish refugees. And that’s where the WJW editorial comes in.

In the editorial, called HIAS in search of a mission, the WJW argues that HIAS has outlived its usefulness. Given that there are “virtually no more Jewish refugees,” the paper asks, “Is there still a need for HIAS?” You can guess the paper’s answer:

[It] takes a certain maturity, and healthy doses of self-confidence and self-awareness for an organization to declare success and move on. Very few organizations are able to do that. Instead, they get caught up in their own stories and start believing their own PR, and view themselves as indispensable societal contributors.

HIAS has had its successes. It served well for close to a century as the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society. Now its leadership acknowledges that the organization’s original mission is no longer necessary. Rather than search for a new mission in order to justify its continued existence, perhaps it would be better for HIAS to consider an orderly sunset.

So HIAS’s leaders are not mature or self aware? They are caught up in their own PR? How insulting. Oh, and here’s a good one: “HIAS has had its successes.” Talk about minimizing the organization’s accomplishments. Since its inception, HIAS has helped approximately 4.5 million people, in big ways and small. It has saved countless lives.

But I suppose it’s a fair question: Is HIAS still relevant? Here are some facts that were conveniently left out of the WJW editorial: (1) In partnership with Israeli NGOs, HIAS provides trauma counseling and social services to thousands of refugees from Darfur, including many children; (2) From a base in Kenya, HIAS provides resettlement services and social services to hundreds of refugees from East Africa–aside from the UN, HIAS is the only NGO providing these services in the region; (3) It is one of only a few NGOs in Jordan providing assistance to refugees from the Syrian civil war; (4) In the U.S., HIAS provides legal assistance to victims of torture, including those who are detained; (5) It provides resettlement assistance to refugees all across the United States; (6) HIAS works to help pass meaningful immigration reform; (7) HIAS provides an outlet for hundred of young Jews to engage in public service and, in the process, brings them closer to their own Jewish community. And there is much more, as anyone who cares to review HIAS’s programs can easily see. So does WJW think these services are no longer needed, or that HIAS is not the right organization to provide them? Or–as I suspect–did the editors at WJW not know that HIAS provides these services because they didn’t bother to learn what the organization does before they decided to trash it?

Finally, since HIAS’s mission was originally to help Jews, and since Jews are generally not in need of this type of assistance, shouldn’t HIAS just close down? Well, should Catholic Charities only help Catholics? Should Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Services only help Lutherans? Should the Tahirih Justice Center only help Baha’is? You get the point. The religious-based NGOs are an expression of their members’ religious convictions. Just as these groups help refugees (and many others) as an an expression of their faith, so too, HIAS helps refugees–all refugees–as an expression of our Jewish faith. In Judaism, it’s called Tikkun HaOlam–repair of the world–and to limit Tikkun to assisting only Jews is mean spirited, short-sighted, and anti-Jewish.

So here’s a message for the good folks at WJW: Maybe its time to exercise some self awareness of your own, and recognize that your paper suffers from a lack of intellectual honesty. It takes maturity and self confidence to look at the world as it is, and to consider points of view other than your own. And if you can’t adapt to the needs of the Jewish community, maybe its time for an orderly sunset. Or–at the very least–please cancel my subscription because I am no longer interested in what you have to say.

Continue reading

1 Comment

Cambodian Refugees Deported After Years in the US

by Jason Dzubow

When I meet people who are going to be deported (or their family members), I sometimes tell them the story of Jimmy from South Philly.

In 2001, I traveled to a friend’s home town in the Algerian Sahara. We were hanging out at his neighbor’s house, when in walks a man in his early 30’s. “Yo, waasup, homey” he says to me. This is Jimmy. I learn that he immigrated to the U.S. years ago. He had a green card, but then got into trouble with drugs, alcohol, and gambling. Finally, he was deported to Algeria. Back home, he cleaned himself up, used his English skills to get a good job with a natural gas company, and he married and had children. All in all, he was doing pretty well–very well compared to most Algerians. The deportation was probably the best thing that could have happened to him.

The fact is, some people can’t make it in the U.S. Maybe they have difficulty adjusting to the new culture or the new language. Maybe they don’t do well away from their support system. For whatever reason, some people are better off returning to their home countries. That was true for Jimmy, but I think his story would be cold comfort to a new–and growing–group of deportees: Cambodian refugees who have spent years in the United States and who are now being deported.

Learning to love Cambodian food is just one of the challenges faced by returning refugees.
Learning to love Cambodian food is just one of the challenges faced by returning refugees.

The Wichita Eagle reports that, starting in 2002 when Cambodia agreed to accept deportees from the United States, “hundreds of ethnically Cambodian men and women have been deported from the United States to Cambodia.” “What started as a trickle of deportations has, in recent years, turned into a flood, with the number of deportees increasing dramatically since 2009 and the total number now estimated at around 400.”

The returning refugees receive assistance from a Cambodian non-profit called RISC, the Return Integration Support Center. From the RISC website:

Deportation… often poses an enormous challenge. Individuals are separated from spouses, children, friends, communities and support groups. Most returnees left Cambodia as very young children, or were born in Thai refugee camps, and have little or no memory of Cambodia. Most have limited familiarity with the language, climate, and culture of Cambodia. Many have no known relatives or forms of support in Cambodia. Deportation is a traumatic experience that often leaves individuals feeling lost, rejected, and disoriented. Many barriers stand between returnees and stable, independent lifestyles.

In 2002, the year deportations began, RISC emerged to assist returnees overcome these barriers…. As deportations continue, and the returnee community continues to grow, RISC’s services continue to be an integral form of support for a unique group facing an extraordinary challenge.

As the law now stands, most (if not all) deportees will never be able to return to the U.S., even for a visit. As one deportee describes the situation, “Those who get sentenced to life in prison in the U.S. at least get to see their families at weekend visitations, and if someone dies they take you to the funeral. If my parents pass away I won’t even get to attend their funerals.”

On one level, it is easy to dismiss these deported refugees. The U.S. brought them here, resettled them, and gave them a chance at a new life. They blew it by committing crimes, joining gangs, and using drugs. But on a deeper level, it seems to me that it is not so easy to justify deporting these people.

First, the U.S. was not completely innocent in creating the political situation that led to the refugee crisis in Cambodia. But that aside, we made a commitment to resettle refugees, who are–almost by definition–damaged people who have suffered severe trauma. When such people are brought to an alien country, integrated (or not) into poor urban neighborhoods, and left largely to fend for themselves, it is predictable that some will have difficulty. Given this situation, deporting them after they have been punished for their crimes is basically punishing them a second time for being refugees (i.e., not being U.S. citizens).

And what is to be gained by deporting these refugees? If the point is to protect our communities from criminals, then how do we justify sending these criminals to Cambodia, a country that really has no connection with them, and certainly is not responsible for creating the situation that led them to become criminals. Why should Cambodia have to deal with them?

Under some circumstances, there are defenses to removal available for refugees (and asylees) who commit crimes, even crimes that are aggravated felonies. One is the refugee waiver under INA § 209(c). Another is a request for withholding of removal under INA § 241(b)(3) or relief under the United Nations Convention Against Torture. It is often difficult to succeed with these defenses, but for the foreseeable future, they are the only options available to a refugee facing removal for an aggravated felony.

Continue reading

4 Comments

Remembering the Evian Conference, 75 Years Later

by Jason Dzubow

Next week marks the 75th anniversary of the Evian Conference, held from July 6-15, 1938. The purpose of the meeting was to find a solution to the problem of Jewish refugees fleeing from Nazi Germany. Unfortunately, the conference was an utter failure.

First, a bit of background: Adolph Hitler came to power in 1933, in the midst of a world wide depression. At the same time, tight immigration quotas limited the number of people permitted to come to the United States, and given the dire economic situation, there was little political will or public interest in lifting restrictions to assist refugees. Meanwhile, the noose was tightening around German Jewry. As early as 1933, laws were enacted to restrict Jewish rights. In 1935, the Nazi government passed the Nuremburg Laws, which deprived Jews of their German citizenship. German Jews began to flee the country in increasing numbers. 

You know you're in trouble when you make Rafael Trujillo look like a humanitarian.
You know you’re in trouble when you make Rafael Trujillo look like a humanitarian.

By 1938, about half of Germany’s 900,000 Jews had left the country, mostly to British Palestine (this, despite strict limits on the number of Jews who were legally permitted to immigrate to Palestine). Meanwhile, in March 1938, Hitler annexed Austria, bringing an additional 200,000 Jews under Nazi jurisdiction.

A few months later, in July 1938, Great Britain, the United States, and 30 other countries met in France at Evian-les-Baines. The purpose of the Evian Conference was to address the refugee crisis created by Jews and others fleeing Nazi persecution. Despite high hopes, in the end, the conference accomplished little. The U.S. agreed that its existing quota of 30,000 immigrants per year from Germany and Austria would be reserved for Jewish refugees. Great Britain committed to accept a similar number of refugees, and Australia agreed to accept 15,000. With the exception of the Dominican Republic, no other country agreed to take significant numbers of refugees.  

In an interesting historical footnote, the dictator of the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo, who was responsible for killing tens of thousands of his own people, agreed to accept 100,000 Jewish refugees. He even donated land in his country for them to settle. Ultimately, only about 800 refugees were able to reach the Dominican Republic, and after the war, most resettled in the United States.

The American politician Walter Mondale eloquently summed up the conference’s failure 40 years after the fact:

At stake at Evian were both human lives – and the decency and self-respect of the civilized world. If each nation at Evian had agreed on that day to take in 17,000 Jews at once, every Jew in the Reich could have been saved. As one American observer wrote, “It is heartbreaking to think of the …desperate human beings … waiting in suspense for what happens at Evian. But the question they underline is not simply humanitarian … it is a test of civilization.”  

According to the United Nations, there are currently about 15 million refugees and 27 million displaced persons in the world. As we debate the current immigration bill, and decide how we will respond to this ongoing crisis, I wonder how our actions will be judged by history. I hope we have learned something in the last 75 years, and that we will remember our moral duty to help those in need.

Continue reading

2 Comments

Yours Truly on NPR

by Jason Dzubow

As the new Immigration Bill heads from the committee to the full Senate, NPR turned for comment to a brilliant and seasoned asylum lawyer. Unfortunately, he wasn’t available, so they called me.

NPR listeners hear me explain the finer points of asylum law.
NPR listeners hear me explain the finer points of asylum law.

Yes, your humble blogger debuted earlier this week on the NPR show Talk of the Nation. This was my first ever appearance on radio (though sometime in the mid-1980s, I did appear on a local TV talk show as an example of a kid who did not kill himself as a result of Dungeons & Dragons).

While I am used to talking to judges, appearing on radio before a live audience is quite terrifying. I assumed that I would fall into the fetal position and cry for my mommy. But it was not to be. In fact, I thought the interview went pretty well (you can hear it or read the transcript here).

The title of the show was “Who Gets Asylum, Who Doesn’t and How that May Change.” I was the only guest to appear in-studio, with host Ari Shapiro. Other guests were Dan Stein of the restrictionist group FAIR (which wits on the Left have dubbed “un-FAIR” – we need better wits) and NPR Congressional Correspondent David Welna.

In the space of about 30 minutes, I managed to insult the governments of Pakistan, China, Eritrea, Cuba, Indonesia, Serbia, and possibly Mexico. I also (hopefully) made a decent argument for why the one-year asylum bar should be eliminated (the current version of the Bill would eliminate the bar). I tried to give many examples of asylum seekers who had been persecuted and who were worthy of protection (hence the need to insult numerous governments). And I hopefully made the case for preserving and strengthening the asylum system.

Although I enjoyed my experience at NPR, I can’t say I am particularly optimistic that the current Bill will make it into law. The most important aspects of the Bill are not related to asylum seekers, but the main provision related to asylum–elimination of the one year filing deadline–is important to many people, and thousands of legitimate refugees would benefit if the bar were removed.

We’ll see what happens in the coming weeks. At least one senator predicts that the Bill will pass the Senate with 70 votes prior to July 4th. I hope he is right, but even if he is, the Bill still has to get through the Republican-controlled House. To me, it seems like an up-hill battle. But it is definitely a battle worth fighting.

Continue reading

4 Comments

You Can’t Go Home Again (Thanks to the Tsarnaev Brothers)

by Jason Dzubow

As the Senate inches forward on immigration reform, the bombing in Boston looms large. In a recent amendment, Senators agreed that asylum seekers will automatically lose their status if they return to their home country. According to the Washington Post:

Senators unanimously approved an amendment by Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.) that would terminate the asylum or refugee status of anyone who returns to his or her home country. Graham introduced the amendment after investigators discovered that Boston bombings suspect Tamerlan Tsarnaev had traveled last year to Russia and Dagestan after his family sought and was granted asylum from Dagestan in 2002.

The Tsarnaev's also liked Justin Bieber. Therefore, under the new Senate bill, all immigrant Beliebers will be deported.
The Tsarnaev’s also liked Justin Bieber. Therefore, under the new Senate bill, all immigrant Beliebers will be deported.

I am sure, dear reader, that you will not be surprised to learn that I oppose this amendment. I oppose it because it is redundant, impractical, harmful to many innocent asylum seekers, and unlikely to accomplish its purported goal. Let’s take each objection in turn:

First, under the current law, if an asylee (or a lawful permanent resident who obtained his status based on asylum) returns to the country of feared persecution, he can lose his immigration status. The law as it exists now allows for some flexibility, and there is a procedure for terminating the alien’s asylum status. Given that an alien who returns to his home country will likely lose his asylum status, the Senate amendment seems redundant.

Second, the amendment is, at best, impractical. How will we know whether an alien has returned to her home country? Refugees are currently able to travel abroad using a Refugee Travel Document, which is similar to a passport. Let’s say a refugee wants to visit her home country. She can go to a neighboring country using the Refugee Travel Document, and then enter her home country with her passport. Or–better yet from her point of view–she can enter her home country without inspection (i.e., illegally). In either case, it is unlikely that the U.S. government would ever learn about the trip home.

And what about the scenario where a legitimate refugee travels abroad for a legitimate reason. He does not go to his home country, but his government lies and reports that he traveled home (the Russian government reported–truthfully–that Tamerlan Tsarnaev traveled to Dagestan). Perhaps the home government wants to harm the refugee, who the government views as a political opponent. Reports from unfriendly governments are potentially untrustworthy, so how can we rely on them?

Third, many innocent asylees have legitimate reasons to travel home: To help a sick relative, to engage in political or journalistic activities, to take care of property. Also, some people can travel home for a short trip and remain under the radar for their brief time in the home country. Just because a person is willing to take a risk and return home does not necessarily mean that she does not have a well-founded fear of persecution.

Finally, it’s hard for me to believe that this amendment would do anything to make us safer. Given how hard it is to determine whether an asylee traveled to his home country, and given the many legitimate reasons for such a journey, it seems very doubtful that the amendment will do anything to stop the next Tsarnaev-brothers type attack.

It seems to me that this amendment is an example of the Senate fighting the last war, and not fighting it very well. There are better ways to search for terrorists and extremists within the asylum seeker ranks. But I will leave that discussion for a future post.

Continue reading

218 Comments

CIS Uses Boston Attack to Condemn Asylum, Immigration System

by Jason Dzubow

The “low immigration, pro-immigrant” group Center for Immigration Studies claims that the “United States has naturalized at least a few thousand alleged terrorists in recent years.” As evidence for this dramatic claim, CIS lists exactly four (four!) examples of naturalized foreigners who engaged (or attempted to engage) in terrorist acts, including Dzhokhar Tsarnaev who is charged in the Boston Marathon bombing.

Hmm... There's something strange about this Naturalization ceremony.
Hmm… There’s something strange about this Naturalization ceremony.

How CIS got from four alleged terrorists to “thousands” is not explained. Although I often disagree with CIS’s conclusions, I’ve found them to be generally reliable when it comes to the facts. Not so in this case. To make such an outrageous and inflammatory claim with almost no evidence casts doubt on the organization’s credibility.

Concerned about the possibility of major immigration reform, is CIS becoming unhinged? Will they–like so many partisan groups–make all sorts of unsubstantiated claims in the hope of getting their way (i.e., killing immigration reform)?

It seems that in many of our country’s policy debates, the end justifies the means. “Swiftboating” has replaced reasoned debate. I hope that CIS won’t go down this road. Like I say, I often disagree with CIS, but I recognize the need for different voices in the conversation. For those voices to make a positive impact, however, they must be grounded in reality. CIS should correct their unfounded claim that the U.S. has “naturalized at least a few thousand alleged terrorists,” and issue an apology.

With that as background, I want to turn briefly to CIS’s testimony on Capitol Hill. This past Monday, Mark Krikorian, Executive Director of CIS testified about the proposed immigration reform before the Senate Judiciary Committee. He spoke about the Tsarnaev family who–he said–immigrated to the United States a decade ago after receiving political asylum. Mr. Krikorian asked:

Why were they given asylum since they had passports from Kyrgyzstan and, especially, why were they given asylum since the parents have moved back to Russia, the country supposedly they were fleeing and wanted asylum from?

A few points. Maybe this is an immigration-lawyer-geek point, but by definition, no one immigrates to the U.S. after receiving political asylum. It is only possible to obtain political asylum if you are already present in the United States. In the case of the Tsarnaev family, events are a bit unclear. It appears that the father came as a non-immigrant to the United States in 2002 with Dzhokhar, and then applied for–and received–political asylum. Afterward, he brought his wife and minor children (including alleged bomber Tamerlan) to the United States. Maybe this is a geek point, but if I were from an immigration organization testifying before Congress, I would want to get the law and terminology correct.

Second, I do not know how Mr. Krikorian knows that the Tsarnaev family had passports from Kyrgyzstan. As far as I know, the family were Russian citizens, and the father was originally from Chechnya, which is part of Russia. While it appears that at least the younger brother was born in Kyrgyzstan, this does not necessarily mean that he had a Kyrgz passport or was a citizen of that country (unlike the U.S., many countries do not automatically confer citizenship on people born within their territory). Assuming that the father had Kyrgz citizenship, he would not have qualified for asylum unless he demonstrated that he had a well-founded fear of persecution in Kyrgyzstan or that he was not firmly resettled in that country. As of now, we do not know why the father received asylum from Russia, let alone from Kyrgyzstan. Suffice it to say that the human rights situation in Kyrgyzstan is no picnic, and that country has produced several hundred thousand refugees. While Mr. Krikorian’s question (why was the family given asylum if they had passports from Kyrgyzstan?) is reasonable, the implied answer (that the family should not have received asylum) is pure speculation.

Finally, Mr. Krikorian asks why the family received asylum since the parents have moved back to Russia, the country supposedly they were fleeing. Again, the implication is that the family should not have received asylum. Mr. Krikorian does not answer his own question, and indeed, we do not know why the father returned to Russia. Maybe he felt that conditions had improved and it would be safe for him to return. Maybe the father was more concerned with his children’s safety than his own, and so once his children were safely in the U.S., he decided to return. Or maybe–as Mr. Krikorian implies–the asylum case was fraudulent from the beginning. At this point, we don’t know. And while I agree that we need to explore all aspects of the brothers’ history, I am not sure that the investigation is well served by cynical assumptions that the father’s asylum claim was false.

As I have said, I often disagree with CIS, but I believe they (and other restrictionist groups) have an important role to play in the current discussion about immigration and asylum reform. I just believe that the debate–and the credibility of CIS–would be better served if the organization speculated a little less, and got the facts right a little more.

Continue reading

4 Comments

Fox News Goes After Syrian Asylee – By Any Means Necessary

by Jason Dzubow

On Fox News, the ends always seem to justify the means. It’s acceptable to smear a perceived political opponent based on the most tenuous of evidence. For this reason, even when Fox News raises a legitimate concern, it’s hard to separate truth from half-truth (which reminds me of the old Yiddish proverb: “A halber emes iz a gantse lign” or “A half-truth is a whole lie”). So I am not exactly sure what to make of Fox’s latest campaign to “expose” Syrian asylee Daoud Chehazeh.

According to Fox News:

Daoud Chehazeh is a known associate of the 9/11 hijackers.  The government has spent more than half a million dollars trying to deport him, but has had no success.

Like a Swedish gymnast, Fox News is both fair and balanced.
Like a Swedish gymnast, Fox News is both fair and balanced.

Another (of many) reports by Fox News states:

With nearly 400,000 people waiting for U.S. citizenship, Daoud Chehazeh last November received political asylum for a third time after a series of bureaucratic screw ups at the federal level….

It’s a slap in the face to Americans, especially the victims of 9/11 and the families,” said Jim Bush, who as a New Jersey state criminal investigator was part of the 9/11 investigation code-named PENTTBOMB. His partner in the investigation was Bob Bukowski, a now-retired FBI special agent.

“Three thousand people were murdered,” Bukowski said. “(Chehazeh) was definitely part of that conspiracy…. He facilitated the moves and protection up to the whole flight, basically, of Flight 77. Could we prove that in a court of law? No. But there are other remedies. Deport him. That’s what should have been done in this case.”

Before I get to Mr. Chehazeh’s case, I want to break down some of the Fox commentary. First, it’s true that “Daoud Chehazeh is a known associate of the 9/11 hijackers.” According to a published federal court decision, he met two of the hijackers at a mosque in Northern Virginia. After the September 11th attack, Mr. Chehazeh contacted the FBI and reported whatever information he had on the two men. So to claim that he was a known associate of the hijackers, without mentioning that he went to the FBI to report what he knew about the men, is kind of like calling Woodward and Bernstein “known associates” of Richard Nixon because they reported the Watergate cover-up. At best, it’s a half-truth.

Second, Fox News claims that the “government has spent more than half a million dollars trying to deport” Mr. Chehazeh. How they could possibly know the amount that the U.S. government spent on Mr. Chehazeh’s case is beyond me. Unless they actually know how many hours each government employee worked on the case, it seems impossible that they could know the amount. Here, I suspect that Fox News just guesstimated (which is a polite way of saying that they made it up).

Next, Fox News says that “With nearly 400,000 people waiting for U.S. citizenship, Daoud Chehazeh last November received political asylum for a third time….” I am not sure who these 400,000 people are, or how Fox arrived at this figure. I also am not sure what they have to do with anyone’s asylum case. I do know that Mr. Chehazeh did not receive asylum “for a third time.” He received asylum once (in 2002). The government appealed and later filed a motion to reopen, but he was only ever granted asylum one time.

Finally, the retired FBI agent Bob Bukowski says that Mr. Chehazeh was “definitely part of [the 9/11] conspiracy…. Could we prove that in a court of law? No.” It seems to me, if Mr. Chehazeh was “definitely” part of the conspiracy, Mr. Bukowski could prove it in a court of law. In fact, claiming that someone was “definitely” responsible for murdering nearly 3,000 people when there is little or no evidence to support such a claim, would likely form a strong basis for a libel lawsuit.

Despite the problems in Fox’s reporting, Mr. Chehazeh’s case raises some serous issues.

For one thing, the IJ’s behavior during the case was–to say the least–unusual. According to the government’s brief (as set forth in the Third Circuit’s decision):

[The IJ’s] behavior in this matter… included… ordering the Service… to personally travel to Respondent’s place of detention to assist him in preparing his I-589 [application for asylum and withholding of removal]. When the Service declined, the [I]mmigration Judge advised that she would assume Respondent had a meritorious claim and grant him asylum. Ultimately, the Immigration Judge personally reviewed and completed Respondent’s I-589. At the time of the individual hearing prior to obtaining any testimony from Respondent, the Immigration Judge advised that she was ready to render a decision

The IJ’s actions are strange, and might very well have been reversed on appeal, but the government attorney failed (forgot?) to file a brief, and so the government’s appeal was dismissed.

Another odd aspect of the IJ’s decision is that she found an exception to the one-year filing requirement based on changed circumstances, to wit: the fact that Mr. Chehazeh had recently spoken to the FBI. However, she granted asylum based on Mr. Chehazeh’s particular social group–“hopeless debtors.” It’s questionable whether this is a cognizable social group. Also, if the IJ found an exception to the one year-rule based on Mr. Chehazeh’s cooperation with the FBI, she should have granted asylum on a related ground (such as imputed political opinion since anti-American extremists might view Mr. Chehazeh as pro-American). Instead, the IJ granted asylum on a totally different basis: The fact that Mr. Chehazeh owed a substantial debt to someone in Syria. Since he owed this debt at the time he arrived in the U.S., more than one year before filing for asylum, it is unclear why he would qualify for an exception to the one-year rule.

Despite the difficulties with the case, it appears that the matter is now settled, and–unless new evidence is unearthed–Mr. Chehazeh will be able to remain in the United States as an asylee.

So in the end, Fox News has a point: There are real problems with Mr. Chehazeh’s case, both procedurally and substantively. However, since Fox’s coverage of the case is so distorted and inaccurate, it leaves more questions than answers.

Continue reading

1 Comment

Immigration Reform for Asylum Seekers, Part One

by Jason Dzubow

Now that Comprehensive Immigration Reform is finally on the table, I thought I would discuss my own “wish list” for reforming the asylum and humanitarian relief system. Human Rights First is in the forefront of the effort to include asylum reform in any CIR package, and they–along with scores of other organizations and law professors–have submitted recommendations to Congress and the President. Below is my own take on asylum reform, including some thoughts on Withholding of Removal and relief under the United Nations Convention Against Torture:

– One Year Filing Deadline: The current law requires aliens to file for asylum within one year of their arrival in the United States. There are two exceptions to this rule: (1) changed circumstances (i.e., it was safe to return home when the alien arrived here, but something changed, and it is no longer safe to return home); and (2) extraordinary circumstances (i.e., something prevented the alien from filing for asylum–maybe she was a child and did not have the capacity to file, or maybe she was suffering from post traumatic stress disorder). Aliens who cannot demonstrate an exception to the rule will be denied asylum if they file more than one year after they arrive in the U.S.

Also on my wish list: My Little Pony (with brush).
Also on my wish list: My Little Pony (with brush).

Supposedly the original purpose of the one-year rule was to prevent fraud. However, the real-life effect of the rule is to block legitimate refugees from obtaining asylum. One group in particular that has been negatively affected are LGBT asylum seekers. In many cases such people are not “out” when they arrive in the U.S., and it takes them time–often more than one year–to understand their sexual orientation and then decide to seek asylum. Other people harmed by the one-year rule include those who are emotionally unable to prepare their cases due to the severe traumas they suffered, people who do not know about the one-year requirement, and people who wait to seek asylum in the hope that country conditions back home will improve.

Having litigated dozens of cases where the one-year rule was a factor, I don’t see how it ever prevented fraud. It is an arbitrary rule, which does nothing except block legitimate asylum seekers from obtaining relief. My number one hope for asylum reform is that the one-year rule will be eliminated.

– Asylum Clock: I have written previously about the Asylum Clock. When an alien files for asylum, DHS starts a “clock.” When the clock reaches 150 days, the applicant can file for a work permit. If the applicant does anything to delay her case, the clock stops. Theoretically, when the delay ends, the clock should re-start. But thanks to ambiguous rules governing the Asylum Clock, that does not always happen.

Although I really can’t stand the Asylum Clock, I suppose I recognize that it is a necessary evil. Prior to the clock, it was common for aliens to file frivolous asylum applications in order to obtain a work permit. In those days, cases took years to adjudicate, so anyone claiming asylum could work lawfully in the U.S. for years before their case was denied. The Asylum Clock, combined with the fact that asylum cases–at least at the Asylum Offices–are usually decided in a matter of months, have greatly reduced frivolous applications. Although it has helped to reduce fraud, the Asylum Clock is incredibly annoying.

The bottom line for me is that the presumption of the Asylum Clock should be in favor of keeping the clock moving. If an Asylum Officer or an Immigration Judge finds that the alien is purposefully delaying his case or that the case is frivolous, they should stop the clock. But the clock should not be stopped for legitimate delays (For example, sometimes an attorney must refuse an appointment date due to a conflict. When this happens, the clock stops. But why should the alien be penalized because the attorney is unavailable on a particular date?). My “wish” here is that the Asylum Clock rules will be re-written to make it easier and faster for asylum seekers to get their work permits.

– Withholding of Removal and Convention Against Torture (“CAT”): There are two distinct categories of people who receive Withholding or CAT instead of asylum. One group are people who are ineligible for asylum because they are criminals or human rights abusers. The other group are people who missed the one-year filing deadline for asylum (and receive Withholding) and people who face torture in their countries, but not on account of one of the protected grounds for asylum (they receive CAT). Aliens who receive Withholding or CAT receive a work permit, which must be renewed every year, but they can never become residents. Unlike asylees, they cannot petition to bring immediate family members to the U.S. and if they leave the U.S., they cannot return. Finally, because few people have these statuses, people with CAT or Withholding often have trouble obtaining a driver’s license and convincing employers that they are lawfully present in the United States.

Frankly, I am not in favor of giving more benefits to criminals or human rights abusers who receive Withholding or CAT. Some immigration rights advocates would disagree with this (and there are legitimate reasons to disagree), but I feel that there should be consequences for our bad actions, and people who do not qualify for asylum due to their own bad conduct should suffer those consequences.

On the other hand, it is unfair to penalize people who receive Withholding or CAT because they missed a filing deadline, or because they face torture for some reason other than race, religion, nationality, particular social group or political opinion. My “wish” here is that such people receive some or all of the benefits normally given to asylum seekers. These people have done nothing wrong, and often they have suffered serious abuse in their homelands.

Well, that’s enough for now. I have a few more wishes, but I will cover those in a future post. 

Continue reading

13 Comments

Asylee Info Line Bites the Dust

by Jason Dzubow

Until recently, if you were granted asylum in the United States,  you could call the National Asylee Information and Referral Line, a toll-free number, where you could speak to someone about benefits potentially available to you (such as food stamps, Pell Grants, medical assistance, etc.). For people granted asylum through the Asylum Offices, the toll-free number was–and still is–listed on the approval notice.

However, as of December 28, 2012, the Info Line is kaput. But have no fear–asylees can still learn about benefits (assuming there are benefits after we fall off the fiscal cliff). Visit the Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Refugee Resettlement, Benefits page on the internet.

A refugee tries to navigate the ORR website.
A refugee tries to navigate the ORR website.

Unfortunately, the ORR website is not so easy to use. Admittedly, I am fairly inept with a computer, and so many people might have an easier time with this than me. But it really does seem confusing.

For one thing, the site directs the user to a map of the U.S., where she can click on her state to find organizations that assist with benefits. The organizations that receive ORR grant money are listed, as are state coordinators and directors. The problem is, I cannot tell who to contact to ask questions about benefits. If there is an NGO or ORR employee who helps asylees learn about benefits, this should be made more explicit.

There is a helpful fact sheet available in English and eight other languages, which explains certain benefits, such as the Employment Authorization Document, the Refugee Travel Document, and how asylees can obtain their green cards. But this does not help with medical benefits, food stamps, English language programs, and the like.

I understand that we live in an era of budget cuts and looming fiscal apocalypse, and I guess that the Info Line was discontinued in order to save money. But I do not see why it should cost much money to make the ORR website simpler to use. In that way, asylees will more easily obtain the services they need, and more quickly become self sufficient. This benefits the asylees, of course, but it will also save money for the government.

I hope that the Office of Refugee Resettlement plans to make its website more user-friendly. Given that ORR provides grants to implementing agencies, perhaps it could also require the local agencies to follow an easy-to-use model website for providing localized information to asylees. A dedicated, accessible website will go a long way towards replacing the telephone Info Line and towards helping asylees begin to adjust to their new life in the United States.

Continue reading

2 Comments

Afghan Woman Who Feared Deportation Found Dead

by Jason Dzubow

An Afghan woman who was under investigation for filing a false asylum claim was found dead last month in an apparent suicide.  Gulalay Bahawdory, 60, grew up in Afghanistan and lived in Europe before coming to the United States and applying for asylum in 2000.

In her asylum application, Ms. Bahawdory apparently used a fake name.  Her husband, Bashir Bahawdory, also a former refugee from Afghanistan, states that she left the United States before receiving a decision in her case.  But ICE says that her case was denied and she was ordered removed from the U.S. in April 2001.  Both the husband and ICE could be correct: Perhaps she left before a decision was reached, and then an IJ ordered her removed in absentia.

In 2004, Ms. Bahawdory returned to the United States based on a marriage petition filed by her husband.  She became a U.S. citizen in 2009.

According to the Taliban, these girls are committing a serious crime.

Ms. Bahawdory lived in Raleigh, North Carolina.  It sounds like she had a good life there with her husband and her adult step children, who thought of her as a best friend.

For some reason, ICE began investigating her case earlier this year.  After the investigation began, Ms. Bahawdory thought of little else, her husband said.  She feared that if she were deported to Afghanistan, she would be harmed or killed by the Taliban or other extremists.

According to an ICE spokesperson, “Mrs. Bahawdory’s prior removal from the United States was discovered when ICE ran the fingerprints she provided for the spousal petition.”  ICE did not say when or why they checked the fingerprints or why it only began investigating her citizenship this year.  Also, no word on why this discrepancy was not discovered earlier.  (After all, what’s the point of taking fingerprints if they don’t reveal issues like this at the time of the application?)

Last month, Ms. Bahawdory’s body was found in a lake in north Raleigh.  Police found her car nearby.  In the car, there were three notes.  One was to her husband, stating that she loved him and knew what she had done was wrong.  She wrote a second note to her attorney, thanking her for doing what she could to help.  The third letter was left for the Raleigh police.  “I love the United States,” Ms. Bahawdory wrote.  “God bless the United States.”

Whatever the cause of death, this is clearly a tragic case.  If, as it appears, Ms. Bahawdory committed suicide for fear of deportation to Afghanistan, her death is doubly tragic.  For one thing, having already attained U.S. citizenship, it is not easy for the U.S. government to revoke that citizenship.  Remember John Demjanjuk?  He was a naturalized U.S. citizen who was convicted of accessory to murder of 27,900 Jews during World War II.  Despite his horrific crimes, it took over 30 years to finally de-naturalize and deport him.  If it took 30 years for a criminal like Mr. Demjanjuk, how long would it have taken for Ms. Bahawdory?

Also, even if her citizenship were revoked, Ms. Bahawdory had several defenses to removal: She could have sought asylum (or lesser forms of humanitarian relief like Withholding of Removal or Torture Convention relief); She might have been eligible for a waiver for the immigration fraud; She might have been eligible for Cancellation of Removal.  In addition, even if she were denied all relief, she could have asked for deferral of removal based on humanitarian grounds.  She certainly would have presented a sympathetic case given her age, her home country, her family ties to the U.S., and (as far as I know) her otherwise clean record.

I can certainly understand why someone–especially a woman from a country like Afghanistan–would feel tremendous stress if she felt she would be deported to her homeland.  But Ms. Bahawdory was a long way from being deported.  If she really did commit suicide because she feared deportation, this is a tragedy that should never have happened.

Continue reading

2 Comments

Russian Artist Exposes Gay Asylum Seekers

by Jason Dzubow

In his native Russia, artist and filmmaker Alexander Kargaltsev was beaten by police at a gay pride event and detained after he left a gay club.  He came to the U.S. in 2010 and received asylum in 2011.  Last week, Mr. Kargaltsev held his first solo exhibit at a new gallery, called 287 Spring, in downtown Manhattan (which hopefully is not now under water).

The exhibit is entitled “Asylum” and consists of large photos, each depicting a nude gay or bisexual Russian man, with New York City shown in the background.  The men have stern expressions, and many were photographed provocatively in public areas, such as Central Park.  Under each photo is a caption: “Granted Asylum” or “Asylum Pending.”

The artist, strategically placed in front of one of his photos.

According to curator Ivan Savvine, “The models’ nakedness is a powerful visual statement imbued with symbolism.  They are not nude but naked, for they had courage to shed the many layers of fear and come out to the world uncovered, vulnerable, yet proud.”  He continues, “Their naked bodies thus also reveal their experience as refugees, for every person seeking refuge rebuilds his or her life completely ‘naked,’ starting from scratch with no family or friends and often without the language they can speak or understand.”

As a humble immigration lawyer who received most of his artistic training from Bill Alexander, I can’t help but find this type of artist speak a bit pretentious.  Also, I really can’t imagine many of my clients posing nude in public (and–no offense to my clients–I don’t want to imagine it).  But I suppose Mr. Kargaltsev’s exhibit raises some interesting points.

I agree with the idea that refugees start their lives over “naked.”  But to me, the more interesting analogy between asylum seekers and nakedness is the idea of exposing one’s past history to the scrutiny of an Asylum Officer or an Immigration Judge (not to mention to the asylum seeker’s own lawyer).  Depending on the person, and on the problems he faced in the home country, relating the story of past persecution can be humiliating and traumatic.

I have represented rape victims and torture victims.  When such people apply for asylum, they need to tell these stories.  Sometimes, people do not behave honorably under the threat of persecution.  They need to relate those stories as well.  I remember one client who fled his home when government soldiers broke in to look for him.  He left his wife and children behind.  My client had to explain this to the Immigration Judge, which was extremely difficult for him to do.  This is the type of “exposure” I think about when I think of refugees.  And in some ways, it is similar to exposing oneself naked before the camera, flaws and all.

Mr. Kargaltsev’s photos are of gay asylum seekers from Russia.  The photos I’ve seen depict good-looking young men whose nudity is nothing to be ashamed of.  In my experience, the exposure endured by asylum seekers is a lot less attractive than Mr. Kargaltsev’s images.  While Mr. Kargaltsev’s photos certainly add to the dialogue about issues faced by asylum seekers, in my opinion they gloss over the ugly truths about refugees and the pain that they have endured.  A more realistic and challenging exhibit in this vein would be less pleasant to look at, but more useful to understanding the real lives of refugees.

Continue reading

2 Comments

Somali Woman Wins Nansen Refugee Award

by Jason Dzubow

The Nansen Refugee Award has been called the “Nobel Prize for refugee workers.”  The award is bestowed annually on a person or group that has “provided extraordinary and dedicated service to the forcibly displaced.”  Past honorees include Senator Edward Kennedy, Medecins Sans Frontiers, and Eleanor Roosevelt.

The award is named for Fridtjof Nansen, a polar explorer, diplomat, and the High Commissioner for Refugees for the League of Nations (the precursor to the UN) from 1920 to 1930.  Mr. Nansen helped hundreds of thousands of refugees return home or resettle in new countries after World War I.  He also organized a relief effort to help famine victims in Russia in 1921 and 1922.  For his efforts in Russia, Mr. Nansen received the 1922 Nobel Peace Prize.

Funny how the people with the toughest jobs often have the biggest smiles.

This year’s honoree is Hawa Aden Mohamed, who has helped thousands of displaced women and girls in Somalia.  Ms. Mohamed, who is widely known as Mama Hawa, escaped violence in Somalia and was a refugee in Kenya, the U.S., and Canada.  She left the (relative) comfort of Canada in 1995 and returned to Somalia, where she established the Galkayo Education Centre for Peace and Development.  Through this organization, she has worked to secure women’s rights and bring free schooling, health care, and skills training to nine communities in the Mudug region of Somalia.

In the early days of the Education Centre, it was attacked with rocks, grenades and gunfire.  Its gate was bombed.  But Mama Hawa and her colleagues did not give up.  “We persevered,” she recalled, “and slowly we convinced the elders and the women that what we were doing was for the benefit of the community.”

Today the Education Centre teaches girls and women to see themselves as full members of society who possess fundamental human rights.  It openly addresses the issues of female genital cutting, puberty, early marriage, sexual and gender-based violence, and HIV/AIDS.  It prepares women to play an active role in achieving peace, reconciliation, democracy, and development in their country.

Mama Hawa will receive the Nansen Award on October 1st in Geneva.  If you find yourself in the neighborhood, the ceremony looks to be worth attending.  If you would like to learn more about Mama Hawa and her organization, or if you would like to contribute to her worthy cause, you can do so here.

Continue reading