Another Salvo in President Trump’s War on Asylum

by Jason Dzubow

In case you haven’t noticed, President Trump is not a fan of asylum seekers. His Administration has taken a number of actions to block asylum seekers from coming to the United States and to reduce legal protections for those who are already here. Now, the President has issued a policy memo instructing the Attorney General and the (acting) Secretary of Homeland Security to propose new regulations and re-arrange resources to further discourage migrants from seeking asylum in the U.S. Let’s take a look at this most recent move, and how it might impact the asylum process.

As a preliminary matter, the news is not all bad. In Section 2 of the memo, the President re-affirms his commitment to the humanitarian immigration system: “It is the policy of the executive branch to manage our humanitarian immigration programs in a safe, orderly manner that provides access to relief or protection from removal from the United States for aliens who qualify, and that promptly denies benefits to and facilitates the removal of those who do not.” While it may not be big news that the Administration will provide “relief or protection… for aliens who qualify,” since failing to do so would violate the law, we have to take our good news where we can find it.

“Pay for asylum? No problem. I’ll have my manservant write you a check whilst I finish my charcuterie platter and valet my Bentley.”

In addition, the thrust of the new proposals seem directed towards migrants arriving at the Mexican border. Indeed, the express purpose of the memo is to address the on-going “crisis” in “our immigration and asylum system… as a consequence of the mass migration of aliens across our southern border.” It appears that some of the coming changes will affect all asylum seekers–as opposed to only those entering from Mexico–but we won’t know for sure until the AG and the DHS Secretary draw up the new regulations.

Finally, it is important to note that none of the changes in the memo have gone into effect–yet. The President has ordered his team to propose regulations within 90 days, and after that, it will likely take additional time to implement those changes (and some may be challenged in court). So for the time being, none of the new rules listed in the memo are operational.

Turning now to the specifics, the memo calls for several significant changes:

First, as I read the memo, it requires all asylum applicants who pass a credible fear interview (an initial evaluation of asylum eligibility) to present their cases before an Immigration Judge. Previously, certain applicants–most notably, minors–could present their cases in the less-confrontational environment of the Asylum Office. Now, it seems, they must present their cases in court.

Second, the memo requires that, “absent exceptional circumstances, all asylum applications adjudicated in immigration court proceedings receive final administrative adjudication, not including administrative appeal, within 180 days of filing.” [please assume there is a long pause here, while I laugh and laugh, and eventually compose myself well enough to continue writing]. This ain’t gonna happen. No way. No how. It’s another iteration of what Judge Paul Wickham Schmidt famously calls “aimless docket reshuffling” or ADS. ADS is the process whereby a new Administration comes in and imposes its particular priorities on the Immigration Court system. The very predictable result of ADS is that cases get re-arranged, judges lose control of their dockets, and most everything gets delayed much longer than if management had just left well-enough alone. The Trump Administration is by no means the first to practice ADS, but they do seem to indulge in it more frequently than prior administrations.

Third, the memo calls for “regulations setting a fee for an asylum application not to exceed the costs of adjudicating the application… and for an initial application for employment authorization for the period an asylum claim is pending.” In other words, the government wants to charge asylum seekers to seek asylum (the affirmative asylum system is currently funded by other immigrants when they pay USCIS fees). How much this fee will be, we don’t yet know, but if the fee is meant to cover the cost of adjudicating the asylum application, it won’t be cheap. Will the fee include the cost of security background checks? Immigration Court proceedings? These processes are expensive, and few asylum seekers can afford to “do business” this way.

The memo does not indicate what happens to people who cannot pay, but we can’t just deport them. Indeed, the Immigration and Nationality Act (section 241(b)(3)) and the Convention Against Torture prohibit the U.S. from returning people to countries where they face certain types of harm (this is separate from, but similar to, the asylum law). Such people apply for relief using the same form (I-589) as asylum applicants. Will the government adjudicate these other types of humanitarian applications where the person is unable to pay for asylum? We don’t know this either.

Perhaps those who cannot afford to pay will be eligible for a fee waiver. That would help, but fee waivers require significant work to complete, and so, at a minimum, many lawyers would raise their fees (since we are paid for our time). This would make it more difficult for asylum seekers to obtain legal counsel.

As I read the memo, it also seems to be calling for a fee for the initial Employment Authorization Document (“EAD”). Currently, the first EAD for an asylum applicant is free. Renewals cost money (currently $410). EADs are valid for two years, and fee waivers are available, so this particular requirement, while harmful to asylum seekers, is probably not that damaging.

Fourth, the memo calls for regulations to “bar aliens who have entered or attempted to enter the United States unlawfully from receiving employment authorization before any applicable application for relief or protection from removal has been granted, and to ensure immediate revocation of employment authorization for aliens who are denied asylum or become subject to a final order of removal.”

Currently, an alien is eligible for an EAD 180 days after she files for asylum (she can submit the application 150 days after she files for asylum). If the new memo is implemented, asylum seekers who “entered or attempted to enter the United States unlawfully”can no longer receive an EAD unless and until their cases are granted. As the memo is written, this provision would probably not apply to an alien who arrived in the U.S. with a visa, but that is not entirely clear. The phrase “entered or attempted to enter the United States unlawfully” is subject to interpretation, and if interpreted broadly, it could block some asylum seekers from obtaining an EAD, even if they entered the U.S. with a visa (for example, if the visa was procured by fraud).

Ironically, if the government succeeds in adjudicating asylum cases within 180 days (and I am skeptical about that), the EAD provision will become less important, since cases will either be granted or denied before the alien is eligible to obtain his EAD. If the case is granted, the alien will be eligible to work immediately, and if it is denied, he presumably (based on this memo) would be ineligible to work while the matter is being appealed. The problem will be for applicants who face long delays, and are unable to work lawfully. How will such people survive the wait?

Finally, the memo calls on the Secretary of Homeland Security to “reprioritize the assignment of immigration officers and any other employees of the Department as the Secretary deems necessary and appropriate to improve the integrity of adjudications of credible and reasonable fear claims, to strengthen the enforcement of the immigration laws, and to ensure compliance with the law by those aliens who have final orders of removal.” It’s unclear (at least to me) what this means, but it seems like another version of ADS. Perhaps the plan is to shift resources away from adjudicating immigration benefits and towards enforcement. While this would certainly cause even more delay for individuals, families, and businesses who rely on USCIS, any boost to the asylum or enforcement sections of DHS seems unlikely. There is just not a lot of cross-over between the different functions of DHS, and so there are only so many resources that can be shifted around. In other words, I doubt the DHS Secretary can arm Naturalization officers and enlist them to chase after aliens with final orders.

President Trump’s memo leaves many unanswered questions, and so we will have to wait for the new regulations to learn the specifics. While some of these changes may be blocked by courts, others will likely go into effect. The result will be a further erosion of our proud tradition as a beacon of hope to those fleeing harm.

Continue reading

173 Comments

The Jewish Holocaust Deniers

by Jason Dzubow

President Trump recently spoke to the Republican Jewish Coalition in Las Vegas. The speech was vintage Trump: Lies, distortions, middle-school insults. Frankly, it’s no longer news worthy or even interesting. But what’s different here is the audience. They were Jews. And for me, as a Jewish attorney who represents asylum seekers, their reaction to the President’s comments were horrifying:

The President says our nation’s asylum program is “a scam” and claims that asylum seekers are “some of the roughest people you’ve ever seen–people that look like they should be fighting for the UFC.” The crowd laughs.

“They read a little page given by lawyers that are all over the place,” the President continued. “You know lawyers, they tell them what to say.” Imitating one of these allegedly-coached asylum seekers, the President deadpans, “I am very fearful for my life [and] very worried that I will be accosted if I am sent back home!” More laughter.

“No, no, he’ll do the accosting,” retorts the President. Laughter, applause.

Mr. Trump went on to mock those who support our asylum system: “Oh, give him asylum,” the President whined in the persona of one of these bleeding hearts, “He’s afraid, he’s afraid!” “We don’t love the fact that he’s got tattoos on his face–that’s not a good sign [and] we don’t love the fact that he’s carrying the flag of Honduras or Guatemala or El Salvador, only to say he’s petrified to be in his country.” More laughter and applause.

“To confront this border crisis,” Mr. Trump concluded, “I declared a national emergency.” Loud cheering.

Jews yucking it up, as the President denigrates and slanders people who are fleeing for their lives. To me, this is the ultimate in Holocaust denial.

Passover is a good time to decide: Are we the Egyptians or the Israelites?

Of course, these deniers are nothing like the anti-Semitic buffoons who claim the Holocaust was a hoax. The denialism of this group of Jews is much more profound and insidious than that of “traditional” deniers. That’s because this group knows better. And because they are Jewish.

They know that the Holocaust happened; that the Nazis and their allies murdered six million Jews and five million other “undesirables.” They know too that the international community largely turned its back on refugees fleeing Nazism. The Jews in Las Vegas likely celebrate Oskar Schindler and other “righteous gentiles” who rescued Jews during the War. They lament the tale of the St. Louis–a ship carrying hundreds of Jewish refugees that was denied entry into the U.S. and forced to return to Europe, where many of the passengers perished in death camps.

Indeed, the story of the St. Louis is just one episode in our country’s shameful response to Nazism. We enforced and over-enforced visa quotas to prevent Jews from finding safety in the United States. This response was fueled by lies and half-truths: The Jews fleeing Germany were enemy aliens, they were spies and Communists, Jews and other southern and eastern Europeans were inferior to Northerners, the Jewish refugees brought disease, they would take American jobs.

And of course, blatant anti-Semitism also helped shape American attitudes towards Jewish refugees. Witness the words of Charles Lindbergh at an “America First” rally in the autumn of 1941: “Leaders of the Jewish race are not American in interests and viewpoints,” he declared. There were three groups pressing the U.S. towards war, Lindbergh continued, “the British, the Jewish, and the Roosevelt Administration.” In other words, the Jews were a threat to the United States. Certainly, we should not be admitting more of them into our country.

Luckily, not all Jews were kept out. My wife’s grandfather was released from a concentration camp after he secured a U.S. visa. If not for that visa, his children, grandchildren, and great grandchildren (including my wife and children) would never have been born. Three generations of Jews exist today because some unknown consular official issued a visa, and saved a life.

On a grander scale, the magnitude of the Holocaust, and the world’s indifferent response, led to the creation of international laws protecting refugees. Our own country’s asylum system derives directly from our commitment to “never again” sit idly by as innocent people are slaughtered on account of their religion, race, political opinion or ethnic group. In that sense, the sacrifice of the Six Million was not in vain. Their deaths helped galvanize the world to try–however imperfectly–to prevent future Holocausts.

Despite this history, the Jewish audience in Las Vegas laughed and cheered to affirm President Trump’s false statements about asylum seekers. Perhaps by pretending that today’s refugees are a threat to our country, or that they are mere economic migrants, the Las Vegas Jews hope to avoid the burden of history and the burden of Passover–to welcome the stranger and to comfort the widow and the orphan. These Jews should know better. When they mock desperate men, women, and children who have come to our country seeking protection, they mirror those who mocked us in our hour of need. In so doing, they dishonor the memory of our martyrs and–in the most fundamental way–they deny the lessons and sacrifices of the Holocaust.

Continue reading

168 Comments

My Attorney Sucks. Now What?

by Jason Dzubow

It’s not always easy to find a decent immigration lawyer, especially for people who are new to the country, who don’t speak much English, and who don’t really know what to expect from an attorney. What do you do if you’ve hired an attorney and have now lost confidence in him?

Before you take action, you should think carefully about whether the attorney really is failing at her job. Attorneys are busy, and we are not always as responsive to our clients as we might be. We also have to prioritize our cases based on government deadlines, and so some clients’ cases get put on the back burner until we can work on them. In addition, clients often make “small” requests that are not so easy to accommodate: Can you write a letter about my status for my job, school or landlord? Can you help me with the DMV or with the Social Security Office? Lawyers may not have the time or expertise to assist with all such requests, and they may charge extra for tasks that are outside the contract. Aside from all this, the asylum system is a mess. Cases move slowly or not at all, cases get lost, the government makes mistakes. Much of this is outside the attorney’s control, and so blaming a lawyer for systematic failures is not fair. In short, be aware that lawyers often can’t give you everything you want, when you want it, and that there is much that is outside our control.

You should probably fire your lawyer if (a) he’s a nut; (b) he’s Rudy Giuliani; or (c) he’s all of the above.

That said, lawyers are required to communicate in a timely manner with our clients. We are required to be honest with them (and with the government). We are required to do our work competently and on-time. These are requirements of the bar association–they are not optional. If we fail to fulfill these duties, we can rightly be punished. If a lawyer never gets back to you or fails to keep you updated about the case, if he changes the terms of the contract after you’ve signed it, or if he is dishonest with you or with the government, that is a problem. If the lawyer is unprepared for a hearing in court or at the Asylum Office, or if the quality of the lawyer’s work is poor, that is also a problem. If the lawyer refuses to give you a copy of the case to review before it is filed, or a copy of the case after it is filed, that is a problem too.

So let’s say your lawyer really is failing you, what can you do?

First, you may want to talk to the lawyer to explain your concerns. It would probably also be a good idea to put your concerns in writing (maybe in an email). If you are calling your lawyer, and he is not responding, keep notes about the dates and times you called. If the lawyer tells you something orally, write it down and email it to the lawyer to confirm that this is what he said. In other words, document all your interactions (or attempted interactions) with the lawyer. When a lawyer knows he is being watched carefully, he is more likely to behave properly.

Second, get a copy of your complete file from your attorney. Lawyers are required–again, this is not optional–to give our clients a copy of the complete file. Even if you owe the lawyer money, she is required to give you a copy of the file. She cannot “hold your file hostage” until you pay any outstanding fees. Lawyers–including me–don’t love this rule, as it seems unfair to give a client her file when she owes us money. Nevertheless, it is the rule, and lawyers who fail to turn over a file can face discipline (we can, however, charge a reasonable copying fee for the file). If the lawyer refuses to give you the file, you can report that lawyer to the bar association (see below).

Third, find another attorney to review your case and evaluate whether you are receiving proper representation. Lawyers love nothing better than to dis the work of our fellow lawyers–it is one of our guilty pleasures. Hopefully, a second opinion can clarify whether your current attorney is doing her job, or whether it is time to find someone new.

If you do switch attorneys, you will need to get a copy of your complete file from attorney #1, so you can give it to attorney #2. The new lawyer should be able to assist with this if necessary. Also, it is a good idea to get a copy of the file from the government, especially if you do not trust attorney #1 to give you everything that he submitted.

Also, you may be entitled to a partial refund from attorney #1, depending on the contract and on how much work the lawyer has already done for you. Some attorney contracts are “hourly,” meaning you pay for each hour (or minute) the attorney spends on your case. For such contracts, you usually submit a retainer (a lump sum payment) that the attorney “draws down” when he works on the case. So if the attorney charges $200 per hour, and works on your case for four hours, your bill is $800. If you gave that attorney a $1,500 retainer, you would be entitled to a refund of $700, which represents the “unearned” portion of the retainer fee.

Most immigration attorneys I know, including me, have “flat fee” contracts, which means that you pay a certain fee for the case. So for example, we might charge $4,000 for an affirmative asylum case. Even in flat fee contracts, however, we have to account for our time. This means if a client pays me $4,000 for a flat-fee case, and then fires me before I complete the case, the client would be entitled to a refund of unearned fees. My flat-fee contract indicates that my time is billed at $300 per hour, meaning if I worked for five hours on the case, I would get to keep $1,500 and I would have to refund the remaining $2,500.

If you fire your attorney, you can ask for an accounting of her time and a refund of unearned fees. This means, she would have to tell you about each task she worked on and how long it took. This accounting is not optional; it is required. And if the accounting seems suspicious (why did it take you three hours to write an email?), you can challenge it.

In practical terms, it is usually not so easy to get a refund, and most attorneys can justify their fees. Often, it is easier for the client to just move on. However, if you feel you were ripped off, you can and probably should pursue a refund.

Further, if your attorney was dishonest, or damaged your case, or failed to properly account for her fees, you can file a bar complaint against her. Bar complaints are also sometimes required to reopen a closed case. What is a bar complaint? All attorneys must be members of a bar association. This is an organization that monitors attorney conduct and provides training and services for lawyers and the public. Each state has its own bar association. The attorney’s contract, letterhead, website, and business card should all list which state bar association(s) he belongs to (hint: if an attorney does not make this information available, he is best avoided). If you Google “bar association” + the state, you should find the bar association website, which should have information about making a bar complaint. Once the complaint is filed, the bar association should investigate the attorney’s conduct (some bar associations are better about this than others) and, if appropriate, punish the lawyer. This punishment can range from an “admonishment” (basically, a public statement that most lawyers would find embarrassing) to disbarment, wherein the lawyer would no longer be able to practice law. 

Of course, most attorneys would rather avoid having to deal with a bar complaint, so we try to follow the rules. If your lawyer is doing something wrong–not giving you your file, for example–the threat of a bar complaint might cause her to shape up.

So there you have it. In some ways, lawyers have more power than their clients, particularly immigrant clients, who tend to be less familiar with “the system” than native-born people. But clients are not powerless. You should not feel trapped in an attorney-client relationship that is not working. If your lawyer sucks, take action. Fire him. Move on. These cases are important and often life-changing. Don’t let a bad lawyer destroy your opportunity to remain in the United States.

Continue reading

112 Comments

Some Great Immigration and Refugee Books for Kids

by Jason Dzubow

In my house, we have young children who love books. We have to read to them all the time (at breakfast, at dinner, before bed – oy, it makes me crazy). Below are some books we’ve read that relate to my profession: Asylum and immigration. I’ve also included a few books that have crossed my desk for older kids or teens.

Of course, these subjects can be pretty heavy. How do you talk to young children about fleeing home, moving to a new place, separation from family? Thankfully, all this is outside my own children’s experience. But I do think it is important for them to learn about it. In part, because I work with refugees, but mostly, because it is a reality for many people, and children need to understand their world.

I must admit that the below list is pretty random. People gave us these books, or we found them at the library. If you’re looking for a more comprehensive list, check out BRYCS (Bridging Refugee Youth & Children’s Services), the “What Do We Do All Day?“ blog, and the Institute for Humane Education. But, for what it’s worth, here is my reading list for small, medium, and large children interested in a very grown-up issue:

Reading about the refugee experience can be scary.

Hannah Is My Name by Belle Yang (2004) – This is the story of a young girl who moves with her parents from Taiwan to San Francisco in the 1960s. She gives up her Chinese name, Na-Li, and takes an American name: Hannah. The girl and her family struggle in America while waiting and waiting for their green cards. A lawyer (or notario?) named Mr. Choo has helped the family with their paperwork, but there seems to be no progress and the family is stuck waiting for a decision (sound familiar?). At one point, the father has to escape from INS agents. This is a brightly colored book that really gave my children some idea about what I do in the office (waiting and more waiting). This book is probably appropriate for pre-school and elementary school-age children.

The Arrival by Shaun Tan (2007) – This is a graphic novel without words. It is probably more appropriate for middle and high school-age kids, but since I love it, I read it (assuming you can “read” a book with no words) to my elementary school-age children. The illustrations in the book are magnificent, and convey a sense of moving to a new, unfamiliar land. The book tells the story of a family living in a repressive and dangerous city. The father moves to a strange new country, where he must adapt, find work, and send for his family. This is probably my favorite illustrated book about the refugee experience. It is a moving and positive story about how people can help each other.

How I learned Geography by Uri Shulevitz (2008) – When he was four years old, author Uri Shulevitz and his family fled Poland and found refuge in Central Asia. It was World War II, and conditions in their new home were bleak. They barely had enough to eat, and so when Uri’s father spends the family’s dinner money on a large world map, Uri is understandably angry (and hungry). This book tells the story of how the young author uses the map and his imagination to escape his difficult existence and “explore” the world. In the end, Uri comes to appreciate his father’s wisdom. This is a beautifully illustrated and poetic book, which covers a challenging topic in a way that elementary-age children can understand and appreciate.

Two While Rabbits by Jairo Buitrago and Rafael Yockteng (2015) – This beautifully illustrated book tells the story of a little girl and her father who are traveling from Central America to the United States. Sometimes, they stop so that the father can work to earn more money for their trip. Why they are traveling and whether they reach their destination, we do not know. But the sights and experiences of the migration are shown from the perspective of the young girl, who spends her time counting the people, animals, and objects she encounters on the journey. As adults, we see a dangerous ride atop a freight train, menacing soldiers or a treacherous boat ride across a wide river. The girl in the story is barely aware of the danger. She focuses more on the beauty she encounters on her trip. There is a lot going on in this book visually, and my children enjoyed talking about the pictures and wondering about the girl’s journey. This story is appropriate for pre-school and elementary-age children.

Illegal by Eoin Colfer, Andrew Donkin, and Giovanni Rigano (2018) – This graphic novel is for teens or adults. I read it, but my children are still too young for a story like this. Illegal tells the story of two brothers who leave Niger, cross the Sahara, and try to reach Europe. The story is fiction, but the incidents portrayed are taken from real-life events. The book gives readers an idea about the difficult and very dangerous journey that many people take from Sub-Saharan Africa to Europe. The themes are necessarily mature, and though the worst issues (such as rape and murder) are not directly shown, there are plenty of scary incidents, including the deaths of many migrants. This is a sad, yet hopeful tale, which humanizes people who are too often treated as less than human.

An Olympic Dream: The Story of Samia Yusuf Omar by Reinhardt Kleist (2015) – This graphic novel is similar to Illegal, with a greater emphasis on the sad than the hopeful. It tells the true story of Samia Yusuf Omar, who represented Somalia in the 2008 Olympics. After the Games, she returned to her country where opportunities to train–especially for women–were limited (to put it mildly). To escape the threats and fulfill her dream of returning to the Olympics, she fled Somalia for Europe. Sadly, Samia died en route (and by the way, I am not really spoiling the story here–Samia’s death is described in the book’s introduction). While the story is depressing, the author conveys the sense of the journey and does a good job humanizing his subject. This book is appropriate for teens and adults.

Of course, this is just a sampling of the many books that discuss migration and asylum. What these books have in common is that they tell a very human story–the struggle for safety and freedom in a difficult and dangerous world. In this respect, these books form a powerful counterbalance to the dehumanizing narrative of asylum seekers as nefarious “others.” While these stories can be challenging, they are also uplifting, and they help children (and adults) better understand our world.

Continue reading

153 Comments

You Can Now Check Your Asylum Case Status Online!

by Jason Dzubow

Last week, I wrote about my suggestions for a new Asylum Office website. In that post, I gave short shrift to a new development: For affirmative asylum applicants, it is now possible to check your asylum case online at the USCIS website. This development is actually pretty significant, and will be particularly helpful for those who set up an account with USCIS in order to receive automatic case updates.

Here’s how it works: If you filed affirmatively for asylum–meaning, you filed a case with the Asylum Office–you should have received a receipt with an Alien number (a nine-digit number usually starting with 0 or 2) and a receipt number (three letters followed by a 10-digit number; the first letter is “Z”). You can now enter the receipt number into the USCIS Check Case Status web page and obtain information about your case.

I’ve plugged in several of my clients’ receipt numbers to get an idea of how the system works. After you enter the receipt number, you will receive a message about your case. The messages I saw have between one and four paragraphs, depending on the stage of the case.

The USCIS computer team celebrates as their agency enters the 20th Century.

The first paragraph gives information about the status of the case. This is discussed more below.

The second and third paragraphs of the message discuss the “Asylum Clock” and eligibility for an employment authorization document or EAD. In short, once an asylum case is received, the “Clock” starts. After the Clock reaches 150 days, a person may apply for an EAD, but the Clock must reach 180 days in order for USCIS to actually issue the EAD. If a person delays her case (by skipping an appointment, for example), it could cause the Clock to stop. Buried in the middle of the second paragraph is the number of days that have elapsed on your Asylum Clock and a statement about whether your Clock is still running. This is quite helpful, as it is easy to know when to apply for your EAD (on or after day 150, assuming the Clock is still running). One quibble, if I may: It would be nice to see this information more prominently displayed, as it is kind-of hidden in an otherwise boilerplate paragraph.

The final paragraph contains information about what to do if you move (file form AR-11).

There are different messages generated, depending on the status of the case. After the case is filed and received, the message reads, “The next step in your application is an in-person interview. Once your interview is scheduled, you will receive an interview notice in the mail and this case status will change. If you have an attorney or accredited representative on file, this individual will also receive a copy of the interview notice in the mail.” Another quibble: This message appears even if the biometrics (fingerprint and photo) appointment letter has been mailed out. In other words, at least for the case I checked, the system does not indicate that a biometrics letter was sent. Hopefully, USCIS will include this information as it continues to update the online system.

Once the interview is scheduled, the message states, “Your interview has been scheduled. You will receive an interview notice at the mailing address we have on file. If you have listed family members as dependents on your application, you must bring them to your interview. If you cannot communicate effectively in English, you must bring an interpreter. If you have an attorney or accredited representative and come without that representative, we will ask you to sign a form stating you agree to be interviewed without that representative present.” Further down the page, the message indicates that you can reschedule the interview. However, there is no information about how to contact the Asylum Office to reschedule. Such information would be helpful, even if it is only a link to the (woefully inadequate) Asylum Office website (which also does not tell you how to reschedule an appointment). By the way, it seems that the interview message is the same whether it is a first interview or a rescheduled interview.

If the interview has taken place, but there is not yet a decision, the message states, “You completed your interview with USCIS. The time it takes for USCIS to give you a decision after completion of an interview may vary. An officer told you at the end of your interview if you needed to return to the office to pick-up your decision on a specific/scheduled date, or if your decision would be mailed to you.” This same message seems to appear regardless of how long the decision has been pending. For example, I checked one of my long-delayed cases (filed over five years ago!). I suspect that the case is being held up due to a TRIG (Terrorism Related Inadmissibility Grounds) bar–the client was kidnapped and paid money to the bad guys to get released (this is an example of how the TRIG bar treats the victims of terrorism as if they were terrorists). The client was interviewed (about four years ago), but there is still no decision. For this client, I received the same Case Status message as for a client who was interviewed three months ago (and who does not have any TRIG issues).

Once a decision has been made, the message reads, “We reached a decision in your case. You should expect to receive the decision in the mail shortly. You must follow the instructions in your decision letter as to what you should do next.” If the decision was picked up, the message reads, “We reached a decision in your application. You recently picked up this decision at our office. You must follow the instructions in your decision letter as to what you should do next.” Whether the case was granted, denied or referred to Immigration Court, the message was basically the same. In other words, you cannot determine the outcome of the case based on the online message.

I did not have any cases with a pending Notice of Intent to Deny, so I do not know if the online system indicates whether such a letter has been mailed out. I hope it does, as applicant’s only have 16 days to respond to a NOID, so the earlier they know about it, the better.

I also checked an application that was closed. The message states, “We closed your application and notified you of the reason in the decision letter we mailed to the address we have on file for you. You must contact the office that has been handling your application if you believe your application should not have been closed.” Such a message means that the case is no longer with the Asylum Office. In our client’s case, the person had previously been before an Immigration Judge, and the Asylum Office determined that it did not have jurisdiction.

Probably the best part about the new system is that you can set up an account with USCIS so that you receive automatic updates by email or text message. In this way, you will know when to expect your interview notice or decision. And here’s a bonus: If you sign up for Informed Delivery with the U.S. Post Office, you will get a scan of all mail coming to your house, so you will know exactly when your notifications (and all your other mail) are arriving. Informed Delivery is not available everywhere, but you can check the USPS website to see whether you are eligible.

Finally, one last issue: The USCIS website is only in English. There are a limited number of messages that appear when you check your receipt, and so it really shouldn’t be that burdensome to create messages in other languages (Spanish being the most obvious). I am not sure that this is under consideration, but it would be very helpful.

So that’s about it. The new system is a good start, especially if you get automatic updates, but it’s not a substitute for a more informative Asylum Office website, as I discussed last week. Hopefully, USCIS will continue to improve it’s online presence, and continue to improve the process for asylum seekers and everyone else in the system.

Continue reading

237 Comments

The Irony and the Agony of a Government Shutdown

by Jason Dzubow

As you may have heard, parts of the federal government are closed for business. After two years of Republican inaction on “the wall,” somehow President Trump has decided that now is the time to shut the government down in an effort to “permanently fix the problem on the Southern Border.” Let’s look at the effect of the shutdown on immigration generally, and on asylum more particularly.

In immigration world, the biggest–and most ironic–effect of the shutdown has been to close most of the nation’s Immigration Courts. Courts that handle detained cases are still operating normally, but non-detained courts are closed. The irony is that shuttering the courts will have the effect of delaying the deportation of many aliens. On average (and based on current projections for FY2019), Immigration Judges will deport about 676 people per day. If we remove detained cases from the mix (very roughly speaking, detained cases make up about 13% of all Immigration Court cases), we can estimate that for each day the government is shut down, 588 people are spared from deportation. Given the long backlog in Immigration Court, most people with postponed cases will probably not return to court for another year or two, and so such people will be able to remain the U.S. far longer thanks to the shutdown.

$5,700,000,000 wall vs. $79 ladder.

Also from the Irony Department: The lapse in government funding means that Border Patrol agents–the very people who are supposed to guard our Southern border–will not be paid until the shutdown ends. As you can imagine, this is not great for morale. In addition, the E-Verify System, which allows employers to check whether a particular person is authorized to work, is down. If this “electronic wall” is not working, some “illegals” may be able to work. These results seems contrary to Mr. Trump’s stated goals of deporting more people and fixing the broken immigration system, but what else is new?

Of course, many asylum seekers will not be very happy about having their court cases delayed. Some have been waiting years for a decision, all the while separated from family members and living with great uncertainty. For such people and their families, the delay is heartbreaking.

To check on the status of the Immigration Courts, you can visit the EOIR website, which will indicate whether operations have resumed. If your court case is postponed due to the shutdown, the case will be rescheduled once the lapse in funding has been resolved. From EOIR:

Non-detained docket cases will be reset for a later date after funding resumes. Immigration courts will issue an updated notice of hearing to respondents or, if applicable, respondents’ representatives of record for each reset hearing.

In other words, the Immigration Court will send you or your lawyer a written notice for the new hearing date. You can also check the Immigration Court hotline, which indicates when your next hearing is scheduled. The phone number is 800-898-7180. This is a computer system; not a person. When it answers, follow the instructions and, when prompted, enter your Alien number. The system will tell you your next hearing date. Unfortunately, the hotline will not be updated during the shutdown, but once the situation is resolved, you can check for your next appointment (whether cancelled Individual Hearing dates will be set for another Individual Hearing or a Master Calendar Hearing, we do not yet know).

What if you want to file documents, evidence or a change of address with the Immigration Court? Immigration Courts and the Board of Immigration Appeals (“BIA”) are accepting filings for detained cases. As I understand, most courts are also accepting filings for non-detained cases, but such filings will not be acted upon. The problem is that such filings may get lost in the avalanche of documents that the courts receive. This problem will be especially acute if the shutdown drags on for weeks or months. My advice: If you have a deadline, file your documents, but make sure to keep a copy for yourself and have evidence that you filed (if you can file in-person, the clerk will stamp your copy of the documents; if you file by mail, you should keep a copy of the certified mailing receipt). If you do not have a deadline or an emergency, it is probably better to wait until the shutdown ends before filing any documents with an Immigration Court or the BIA.

For asylum seekers and immigrants who do not have court cases, the shutdown is far less consequential. USCIS obtains its budget from “customer fees” (i.e., money you pay for your green card, work permit, etc.), and so the lapse in government funding is not an issue (there is currently no fee for asylum, but USCIS customer fees fund the Asylum Offices). As a result, the Asylum Offices, USCIS offices, and Application Support Centers (the place that takes your fingerprints) are all operating normally. While this is unlikely to change, there is no harm in double checking before you make the trek to your appointment. You can do that here.

One final question is, How long will the shutdown last? Of course, we do not know. The longest shutdown to date occurred during President Clinton’s term, and lasted 21 days. The current shutdown began on December 22, 2018, and so as of this writing, we are approaching Mr. Clinton’s (or more accurately, Newt Gingrich’s) record. The shutdown is inflicting much damage on our country, including to some immigrants and asylum seekers. Let’s hope that our leaders can bring an end to the impasse as soon as possible.

Continue reading

230 Comments

Of Caravans and Consequences

by Jason Dzubow

As thousands of asylum seekers approach the Southern border in “caravans,” the Trump Administration is reacting harshly. Border Patrol Agents fired tear gas at men, women, and children. The crossing at San Ysidro has been closed, resulting in significant economic losses in San Diego (businesses on the U.S. side earn between $10 and $15 million per day from Mexican consumers). And U.S. immigration authorities are essentially denying migrants’ right to apply for asylum by insisting that they can process only 60 to 100 cases per day.

DHS Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen writes that the “caravan… entered Mexico violently and attacked border police in two other countries.” She states that the caravan is well organized and includes more than 8,500 individuals, with more on the way. Most of the migrants are men, she writes, and the “limited number of women and children in the caravan are being used by the organizers as ‘human shields’ when they confront law enforcement.” Secretary Nielsen claims that, “we have confirmed that there are over 600 convicted criminals traveling with the caravan flow.” How this has been “confirmed,” she dos not say. Secretary Nielsen also states that most migrants are coming here for jobs or to reunite with family members, and notes that, “Historically, less than 10% of those who claim asylum from Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador are found eligible by a federal judge.”

I hear that the U.S. Border Patrol is recruiting new agents in the Andaman Islands.

Others who have witnessed the migration paint a somewhat different picture. For example, a photojournalist who traveled with the caravan in Mexico estimates that 25 to 30 percent of the migrants are families with children. Other members of the group are elderly. “Though many were fatigued and battered by the experience,” he writes, “they often expressed a good deal of hope for what awaited them at the border.” Another journalist who interviewed migrants found that the people he spoke to were fleeing violence in their home country.

So there is disagreement over who the migrants are, and why they are coming here. But what are the legal, policy, and political implications of the caravan?

First, anyone who arrives at a U.S. border is entitled to apply for asylum. The law on this point is pretty clear–

Any alien who is physically present in the United States or who arrives in the United States (whether or not at a designated port of arrival and including an alien who is brought to the United States after having been interdicted in international or United States waters), irrespective of such alien’s status, may apply for asylum in accordance with this section….

The Trump Administration wants asylum seekers to wait outside the U.S. while their cases are decided. Whether this is lawful is not so clear. The law seems silent on this point, though the Attorney General has the authority to “establish a procedure for the consideration of asylum applications.” Arguably this would include where the applicants must wait while their cases are adjudicated. My guess is that this “wait in Mexico” policy–like most of the Administration’s other policies–will be subject to a court challenge.

There are also practical and policy implications for how we deal with the caravan. The Trump Administration claims that it only has the capacity to process 60 to 100 cases per day. This, I don’t believe. Statistics from the Asylum Division show that in FY 2018, Asylum Officers conducted an average of 253 credible and reasonable fear interviews per day (assuming the Officers are working 365 days per year), and in the busiest month (June 2018), they conducted an average of 318 interviews per day (again, working every day). Admittedly, these figures are for all parts of the country, but they illustrate the government’s capacity to deal with a crisis if it chooses to.

At the present rate, the government will need 3 to 5 months to screen the current group of people waiting at the San Ysidro crossing (assuming that no more asylum seekers arrive there). Whether Mexico has the will, ability or legal obligation to accommodate large numbers of people waiting for asylum in the U.S., I do not know. Rumors of an agreement between the Trump Administration and the incoming Mexican President are still unconfirmed, but even if Mexico agrees to host the migrants, it is unclear whether they can deal with so many people.

The legal effect of the long wait is clear: Some asylum seekers will be denied their right to seek asylum in the U.S. The practical effects are also pretty obvious. The Mexican side of the border is unsafe and economically weak. The migrants will have a hard time remaining there while they wait for decisions. Imposing cruel conditions on people fleeing persecution seems an inhumane way to deter people from exercising their legal right to seek asylum, but that has been the modus operandi of the current Administration.

I imagine there will also be political and economic consequences for our country if large numbers of Central Americans get stuck on the Mexican side of the border. Besides straining relations with Mexico, we set a bad example. If the U.S. rejects these relatively few refugees, will other countries follow our lead and deny protection to people fleeing persecution? Will they use violence to keep refugees out? The implications for international humanitarian law are potentially dire.

While I am no fan of the Trump Administration’s border policies (or most of its other policies), it is not enough to criticize without offering an alternative. That is easier said than done. Compared to migrations in the past, the current numbers are relatively modest. Indeed, the overall number of illegal entrants for 2017 is significantly down from peak periods in 2014 (for Central Americans – down 41%) and 2007 (for Mexicans – down 80%). Nevertheless, our country’s tolerance for immigration seems lower, and something needs to be done.

One idea (possibly DOA from a political standpoint) is to make the argument that screening and admitting asylum seekers is good for us. First, helping people who are fleeing harm is the right thing to do. Also, asylum seekers are less likely to commit crimes than the average American, they tend to use fewer public benefits, and they are a net economic gain for our country. Certainly, we should be working to convince the general public that a more liberal immigration policy would be beneficial.

But in examining policies solutions, we need to keep in mind that most Central American asylum seekers will not qualify for protection. This is not because their countries are safe. Rather, it is because the type of harm most Central Americans face does not easily fit within the legal framework of asylum (also, many such applicants lack legal representation and cannot properly present their cases). Unless this changes, it makes sense to process the cases as quickly and fairly as possible, and to return those who do not qualify for protection.

Also, we need to decide where and how people will wait for their decisions. How many asylum seekers abscond rather than appear for hearings? Are some types of migrants (families, for example) less likely to abscond than others? Do we need detention or “wait in Mexico” at all? If so, do alternatives to detention (such as ankle bracelets) work? How can large numbers of refugees be kept safely for a period of months? These are not easy questions to answer, but the answers are knowable and I have little doubt that we can manage the border humanely and honorably, if we so choose.

In the wake of Democratic successes in the 2018 election, politicians may conclude that they have more to gain by working towards immigration reform than by using immigrants as boogeymen to rally voters. But compromise is not easy. It requires that we all do something that is not very American: Accepting less than everything we wanted. I doubt that any reform would give us the immigration system that I envision, but I still feel hopeful that we could end up with something better for our country–and better for immigrants and asylum seekers–than we have now.

Continue reading

94 Comments

In Defiance of Hate

by Jason Dzubow

The massacre at the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh hits home for me, as a Jew and as an immigration lawyer. The murderer shouted anti-Semitic slurs as he gunned down innocent parishioners. His on-line rants point to his motivation: Hatred of HIAS (the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, a Jewish resettlement agency) and “invaders,” i.e., refugees seeking protection in the United States.

The synagogue attack did not happen in a vacuum. According to the Anti-Defamation League, incidents of anti-Semitism increased 57% between 2016 and 2017. We’ve also seen a rise in hate crimes against immigrants (and people perceived to be immigrants), and there is good reason to believe that anti-Semitism and anti-immigrant sentiment go hand in hand.

What to do about all this?

Only love can drive out hate.

On the macro level, we as a nation need to do better. We need to be more civil and more truthful. We need to listen more, and we need to think critically and be less wiling to accept the version of “reality” that comports with our own narrow prejudices. These are important policies points, but they are not really what I want to talk about in the wake of the massacre in Pittsburgh.

I want to talk about defiance.

The murders in Pittsburgh were motivated by hatred of Jews and hatred of immigrants. This was an act of terror, designed to intimidate us. It was the violent manifestation of the same hate that has, of late, become prominent in our country. Politicians–most notably our President, but many others as well–have fanned the flames of this hatred for political gain. The animosity has largely been directed at Muslims, Mexicans, and immigrants, but many “outsiders,” including Jews, have also been targeted.

The reaction I have observed from my friends in the Jewish community has been unified and powerful: We are not intimidated by the haters and we are not afraid. We will not compromise or cower. We will continue to attend synagogue and engage in all the social, charitable, and religious activities that have been the hallmark of our vibrant community. We have survived persecution by Romans, Crusaders, Inquisitions, programs, Nazis, and terrorists. We are still here and we will carry on.

I saw this determination last week at a vigil at my synagogue. Over 3,000 people came to honor and remember those murdered and injured in Pittsburgh. The mayor of Washington, DC spoke, so did the governors of our neighboring states, Maryland and Virginia. Leaders of the local and national Jewish community were there, as was the Israeli Ambassador. Also present were clergy and lay leaders from many faiths. And so while the pain inflicted on our community is very real, the support we feel is overwhelming.

Since the attack in Pittsburgh, I have been to my synagogue four times–for regular events and special events related to the massacre. Maybe the best way to honor the martyrs in Pittsburgh is to continue to live our lives as Jews, and that is what we are doing.

As for my friends in the immigrant-advocacy community, I have also seen our determination. The attack in Pittsburgh was motivated by hatred and fear of “invaders,” who the murderer thought were coming to the U.S. to “slaughter” his people. He specifically mentioned a refugee resettlement agency, HIAS, which has been helping displaced Jews and others since 1881.

The murderer’s fear of these “invaders” does not come from nowhere. The President and many others have been lying about the alleged threat of refugees and other foreigners. They have been ginning up hatred and anger. I suppose this is their way of motivating their supporters to vote. But it also seems related to the attack in Pittsburgh, and it apparently has inspired private militia members to bring their guns to the border and fend off the “invasion.” And why not? If we are being invaded by terrorists and gang members, armed resistance is the logical response.

The torrent of hate has effected immigrants and their advocates, and not just at the border. The HIAS office now has armed guards. Other immigrant advocacy groups have increased their security as well. The Pittsburgh attack and the regular threats received by advocates demonstrate that the danger is real.

But the lies and the hate have not stopped immigrant advocates from doing our jobs. Indeed, the situation is quite the opposite–more people than ever are donating and volunteering to help immigrants and refugees. In part, this is simply because people want to help others who are in need. It is also a response to rising xenophobia, and to the hatred and mendacity we see from some politicians and pundits. The bottom line, though, is that we are continuing our work to support immigrants and refugees despite–and because of–the current political environment.

Eleven Jews are dead. Other Jews and law enforcement officers are injured. There is no escaping this tragedy. But to the extent that the attack was designed to terrorize us and to prevent us from living our lives and pursuing Justice, it has failed. I have faith that even in these difficult times, we will never surrender to the forces of hate, and in the end, we will prevail.

Continue reading

113 Comments

In Defense of Refugees

by Jason Dzubow

In an on-line rant shortly before he entered a synagogue and murdered 11 people, Robert Bowers railed against asylum seekers and the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, a refugee-assistance organization: “HIAS likes to bring invaders in that kill our people. I can’t sit by and watch my people get slaughtered. Screw your optics, I’m going in.”

Who are these “invaders” and why do we allow them into our country?

The first thing to know is that not every foreign person who faces harm abroad qualifies for protection in the United States. The definition of “refugee” is circumscribed by law. The feared harm must be “on account of” a protected ground: race, religion, nationality, particular social group or political opinion. These categories reflect our American values, and when we grant asylum, we demonstrate our commitment to those values.

I am an attorney who specializes in political asylum. Every day, I represent non-citizens who are seeking refugee status in our country. My clients include activists for democracy, peace, and women’s rights, journalists who have stood up for free speech, advocates for gay and lesbian rights, members of religious minorities who have risked their lives for their faith, and interpreters and aid workers who have stood shoulder-to-shoulder with our own country’s soldiers and diplomats in places like Afghanistan and Iraq. These people—asylum seekers and refugees—have risked their careers, their property, and their lives in order to help further the values that are foundational to our nation and to all who believe in freedom and liberty.

Critics of our humanitarian immigration policies claim that asylum is merely a kindness we extend to needy recipients. That we get nothing in return. This view of asylum is false.

Since its beginning—during the Cold War in the 1950’s—asylum was about advancing America’s strategic interests. In those early days, we used the asylum system to demonstrate moral superiority over our Soviet adversaries. We celebrated famous dissidents, athletes, and artists who defected to the West. Now, the Soviet Union is gone, but asylum remains an essential tool of U.S. foreign policy. We gain tangible benefits from asylum. And I am not talking only about the influx of talented, brilliant people who add to our nation’s strength.

When we give asylum to interpreters who served with our soldiers in Iraq or Afghanistan, we demonstrate our loyalty to those who work with us. When we grant asylum to women’s rights advocates, we show our support for the cause of gender equality. When we support journalists, we show that we stand for free speech. And when we grant asylum to religious minorities, we reinforce our founding principle of Religious Freedom.

Imagine for a moment what it would mean to deny asylum to Iraqi interpreters, woman’s rights advocates, journalists or members of religious minorities. Imagine what that would say about us, about our country. Imagine what message it would send to those around the world who are working for the values that we, in our best moments, embody.

When we offer refuge to those who have stood with us, and who have risked their lives to advance the values that we cherish (and which we too often take for granted), we send a powerful message: When you work with us, when you work for the values we believe in, America is with you. And when activists around the world have confidence that America is on their side, it helps them continue their struggle for justice.

And it helps us too. If we want their cooperation and loyalty going forward, our allies need to know that we are there for them. That we will protect them if they need our help. Our asylum and refugee systems demonstrate–in a tangible way—our loyalty to those who stand with us, and this helps us advance our own national interests and our moral values.

Asylum seekers and refugees are not invaders. They are people who we choose to allow into our country. We make this decision based on our own foundational values: democracy, human rights, women’s rights, press freedom, religious liberty. Our humanitarian immigration system does not threaten our country. On the contrary, it represents our nation’s highest ideals made manifest.

Continue reading

84 Comments

Ten Things I Hate About You-SCIS

by Jason Dzubow

Lee Francis Cissna, the Director of USCIS, is building an “invisible wall” to compliment his boss’s “big beautiful wall” along the U.S./Mexico border. The “invisible wall” consists of bureaucratic barriers to prevent people from obtaining immigration benefits in the United States. Ostensibly, the plan is to make America more secure and to protect our country’s workforce. From my perspective, though, much of it seems like gratuitous cruelty, which especially impacts families who don’t have the resources to hire a lawyer.

The bureaucratic changes at USCIS also impact attorneys, increasing our work load and our stress level. It’s now harder to advise our clients, since many USCIS decisions seem arbitrary. While cases are mostly still successful, the environment is decidedly less pleasant. And so without further ado, here are the top ten things I hate about the “new” USCIS:

(1) Asylum Seekers Must Report Arrests on the I-765 Form: The new I-765, a form used to request an employment authorization document (“EAD”), requires that asylum seekers–and only asylum seekers–indicate whether they have ever been arrested. Other EAD applicants, such as people waiting for a green card based on a family or work petition, are not required to report prior arrests. Why are asylum seekers so special? I have no idea, but it’s clear that the current Administration is no fan of asylum, and so perhaps this is another way to punish those who have the temerity to ask our country for protection. What’s wrong with asking about prior arrests? Aside from the arbitrary decision to single out asylum seekers for this additional burden, there are a couple issues: First, many asylum seekers have been arrested back home for their political opinion or religion (hence, they are seeking asylum). USCIS wants documents on all arrests, but it is often impossible to obtain documents for these “illegal” arrests, and this could potentially result in a denied EAD application. Another issue is delay. It takes extra time to process applications if there is more to review. We can expect this new requirement to slow down cases where the person has a prior arrest, and since extra resources will be devoted to such cases, we can expect a ripple effect for all EAD applicants. Finally, the new requirement might necessitate some EAD applicants to hire lawyers, which can be burdensome. And for those with lawyers, the extra work might result in higher fees. At its heart, this is an access to justice issue: In many cases, you receive the justice you can afford, and that is not fair.

A French immigrant is blocked by the invisible wall (and frankly, in this case, I’m good with that).

(2)  Delayed Work Permits After an Asylum Grant: I am not sure how widespread this problem is, but we’ve seen a number of examples lately where a person is granted asylum, and then waits months to receive her new EAD. The delay makes it more difficult to get or keep a job, and it can also block people from receiving a driver’s license.

(3) Disappearing Cases at the Texas Service Center: Most of our office’s affirmative asylum cases are filed at the Texas Service Center (“TSC”). But sometimes, cases are received at the TSC, and then vanish, like dignity from the Oval Office. This happens if the applicant had a prior asylum application, which we did not know about (sometimes, an applicant was a dependent on a prior case and did not know about the case), and it can also happen if we accidentally send an application to the TSC when it should have been sent to a different service center. Why the TSC can’t simply inform us about these errors, or just reject the application, I do not know (though there is an email to contact the TSC, and they recently assisted in one of our cases – Thank you, TSC!).

(4) Rejected Cases at the TSC: The TSC is also notorious for rejecting cases for small, insignificant errors. We once had a case rejected because we did not list the applicant’s siblings. He had no siblings (now, we make sure to write “n/a” in any empty boxes on the I-589). We’ve had instances where we forgot to check a box, and the application was rejected and returned to us. Now-a-days, we triple check the applications in the hope of avoiding such issues, but I imagine for pro se applicants, this is more frequently a problem. The shame of it is, most of these small errors could be resolved at the asylum interview; there is no reason to reject the entire case, causing additional delay and stress.

(5) Refusal to Accept Birth Certificates: Lately, we’ve seen examples of USCIS refusing to accept birth certificates that were not created at the time the person was born (we have not seen this problem for asylum cases, but we have seen it for asylees who are filing for a green card). It is common practice in many countries, that when you need a birth certificate, you request it from the local office. They look it up in a registry, and issue a birth certificate. This used to satisfy USCIS, but no longer. Now they want hospital records, letters from people who knew you when you were born, old school records, and lots of other difficult-to-obtain information about your birth. For me, the best evidence that a person was born is that the person currently exists. Shouldn’t that be enough?

(6) Denial of Advance Parole for Asylum Seekers: To get Advance Parole (“AP”) as an asylum seeker, you must show a “humanitarian” need for the travel. In the past, this was basically a formality. But now, all sorts of evidence seems necessary to obtain AP. In one of our recent cases, the client was seeking AP to visit her mother, who was ill. We submitted a doctor’s letter about the mother’s condition, but USCIS denied AP because the mother was not sick enough (the doctor’s letter indicated that the mother’s condition was “stable”). What was the purpose in blocking our client from visiting her sick mother? To me, this is simply another way to punish people seeking asylum in our country.

(7) Limitations on Advance Parole for Asylum Seekers: We have also seen examples of USCIS issuing AP for very limited periods of time. In one case, we received the approval, but AP was only valid for two days, thus making travel impossible. We try to avoid this outcome by requesting multiple trips, and timing the trips so that USCIS issues the document for a longer period, but what is the harm in issuing AP for one year (or longer)? Why make travel difficult for people who are already enduring difficult circumstances?

(8) The Four-Page Form G-28: Maybe this is a quibble, but why does it take four pieces of paper to enter my appearance as a lawyer using form G-28? All USCIS should need is my name and contact information, the client’s name and information, and space for some signatures. The form used to be two pages, which already seemed too long. Now, every time we enter our appearance, we have to waste four pieces of paper. The G-28 is just one example of USCIS form proliferation. The I-485 went from six pages to 18 pages. The I-130 went from two pages to 12 pages plus another six-page form for marriage cases. The Lorax would not be pleased. Neither am I. Also, of course, longer forms increase costs.

(9) Less Requests for Evidence, More Denials: A new USCIS policy memo makes it easier for the agency to deny cases, instead of issuing requests for evidence (“RFE”). Aliens are paying big bucks for a lot of their applications, and previously, if the applicant made a mistake, USCIS would issue an RFE to allow the person to correct her application. Now, USCIS will deny some such cases. As a result, some aliens will hire lawyers (and endure additional expenses that should have been unnecessary); others may have their cases denied, thus losing their fees and potentially jeopardizing their ability to remain in the U.S.

(10) Slower and More Unpredictable Processing Times: All the changes at USCIS have inevitably affected processing times. Applicants often want to know how long their cases will take, and how long they will have to wait to be reunited with loved ones. These days, processing times have become longer for most applications. Also, processing times have become more unpredictable. For example, if you are applying for a green card in Baltimore, Maryland, the processing time is between 11.5 and 27 months. That’s pretty long, and pretty unpredictable. It’s hard to plan your life in the face of such uncertainty.

I could go on, but I am sure you get the point. USCIS’s “invisible wall” is having its desired effect: It is making it more expensive and more difficult for people to come to the United States. People with fewer resources will suffer the most (as usual), but everyone is affected. Cases are still being approved, but these days, applicants need to be prepared for a more difficult journey to reach their goal.

Continue reading

155 Comments

Proposed DHS Rule Seeks to Exclude Poor Immigrants

by Jason Dzubow

The Department of Homeland Security (“DHS”) has proposed a new rule, which seeks to block anyone who is likely to become a public charge from immigrating to the United States. DHS justifies the new rule, in part, based on history–

The term “public charge” as applied to admission of aliens to the United States has a long history in U.S. immigration law, appearing at least as far back as the Immigration Act of 1882. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries public charge was the most common ground for refusing admission at U.S. ports of entry.

This seems an odd precedent to cite, since the same Congress, three months earlier, also passed the racist Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which blocked the immigration of most Chinese nationals to the United States. In addition, in the same breathe that Congress enacted the public charge requirement, it also blocked anyone who was a “convict, lunatic [or] idiot.” So I’m not sure that historic pedigree is the best justification for DHS’s new rule (on the other hand, if convicts, lunatics, and idiots were blocked from government service, I don’t think anyone would be left in the Trump Administration).

“In its majestic equality, the law forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges.” – Anatole France

A second reason for the new rule, according to DHS Secretary and patron of Caucasian restaurants Kirstjen Nielson is to “promote immigrant self-sufficiency and protect finite resources by ensuring that they are not likely to become burdens on American taxpayers.” I suppose it supports self-sufficiency to force would-be immigrants to choose between feeding their children and remaining in the U.S., but perhaps there are more humane ways to encourage non-citizens to become self-reliant. Finally, the tax-payer argument is not too convincing either, given that most credible studies show that immigrants contribute more to the economy than they take (this, despite the Trump Administration’s effort to suppress such information).

Whether or not the new rule is justified, DHS seems set to forge ahead, and so here I want to discuss how the proposed rule would affect humanitarian immigrants to the United States. The short answer is that asylum seekers, asylees, and refugees are exempted by statute from the public charge requirement, and so they are not affected by the new rule. Also, since the rule would not apply to people with a Green Card seeking to naturalize, asylees and refugees who adjust status and become lawful permanent residents (Green Card holders) would not be affected by the rule. In sum, if you are an asylum seeker, asylee or refugee, or if you have obtained your Green Card based on one of those categories, the new rule does not affect you.

That’s the good news. The bad news is that the new rule will affect many other categories of immigrants and non-immigrants, including people who are inside the United States and who wish to extend or change their status, or who wish to adjust status and obtain their Green Cards. Some people–including people who received public benefits or who are, in the opinion of the U.S. government, likely to require such benefits, or people who have previously requested a fee waiver from USCIS–may be blocked outright from entering or remaining lawfully in the United States. Other people will be deterred by the new rule’s increased costs and wait times. Indeed, the proposed rule makes clear that implementing the public charge requirements will increase costs on aliens seeking to immigrate or visit the United States. These costs will be monetary, since it seems that processing fees will be going up. There will also be additional costs in the form of delay, since adjudicating public charge cases will take time. Whether humanitarian immigrants will be indirectly affected by these costs (in the form of higher overall fees and wait times), we will have to wait and see.

President Trump was elected to reduce immigration, and the new rule is another step in that direction. In this sense, the President is simply doing what he was elected to do. However, in another sense, it’s difficult to escape the fact that the new rule is racially tinged. Like the poll taxes and literacy tests before it, the proposed rule is facially neutral, but there is little doubt who will be most affected: Immigrants of color and their families.

Of course, we can expect the new rule to face legal challenges. However, unlike facially neutral laws to disenfranchise minority voters, immigrants have fewer legal protections, and so the likelihood of a successful court challenge is unclear.

In any event, the proposed rule has not yet gone into effect. DHS has released a draft of the rule (last Saturday) and will publish it in the federal register. Once that happens, we will enter a “comment period” when members of the public (including you) can make our views known. For now, information on how to submit comments can be found on page 2 of the proposed rule.

Barring a successful court challenge, I expect the proposed rule will be implemented largely as written. If so, many immigrants and their families, as well as our nation, will be harmed. The silver lining for asylum seekers, asylees, and refugees is that the rule will not affect them. These days, I suppose we have to take our good news where we find it.

Continue reading

228 Comments

An Open Letter to the “Complicit” Asylum Officer

by Jason Dzubow

By now, you’re probably familiar with the famous, anonymous op-ed in the New York Times, written by a high-level member of the White House staff who is “resisting” President Trump. But in asylum-world, there’s another anonymous article getting attention. It’s an interview in Topic Magazine with an un-named asylum officer.

The interview is sad and poignant. It’s obvious that the officer cares about his (or her) job and the individuals who are seeking protection in the United States. With the advent of the Trump Administration and it’s increasingly hostile approach to asylum seekers, the officer is facing a crisis of conscious: “I struggle every single day with how to determine whether I’m causing more harm than good,” the officer states.

Asylum Officers review the latest Trump Administration policy memo.

One example the officer gives is the implementation of the infamous “zero tolerance” policy at the border, where parents and children were separated, often by trickery, and with no real plan for reunification:

I was interviewing moms in detention who were separated from their children. [U.S. government officials] took their children away from them. All that they wanted from me was to know where their kids were. They would ask me, “Where are my children?” But I was told not to tell them where their kids were. I was told not to tell them. When I say I’m complicit, this is what I mean.

Obviously, looking a desperate mother in the eyes and declining to give her information about her children is a soul-crushing experience. And, according to the anonymous officer, the Administration’s policies are having a deleterious effect on asylum officers:

People in the office are demoralized. I think the job was hard to begin with. There were already very high expectations, very rigorous screenings. Now, there is a fear among upper-level officers that the [asylum] program could get cut altogether, so everyone is trying very hard to not make any mistakes so that the program doesn’t get cut. My worry is that this will lead to people who should get asylum not getting asylum…. [At] this point, I can’t yet fathom what [bad thing] will happen next. I don’t want to, but I’m sure it will come. I never thought they would take kids away from their parents. What else could they do? They did that, so they could do anything.

What should a decent, moral person do in a situation like this? For me (as an outsider), the answer is not so clear. I have friends who have left government because they could not contribute to the goals of the Trump Administration. Other friends have chosen to stay, to do whatever good they can. Which approach is better probably depends on the individual and her circumstances, and I am quite sure it is not an easy decision either way.

If it were me, one factor in deciding whether to stay or go would be the impact of my choice on the asylum system. I have written this before, but it bears repeating here: In many ways our asylum system is sacred. Our country grants protection to strangers who arrive on our shores seeking refuge from danger. We offer asylum in part because it serves our national interests. But we also offer asylum because we are generous and good. By helping others, we help define ourselves. My decision to leave would depend in part on whether I thought my departure would make “the system” better or worse.

Asylum Officers, Immigration Judges, and government attorneys implement the asylum law. Without them, there would be no humanitarian immigration system. In my experience, most of these people are hard working. The majority are clearly committed to the rule of law, and to Justice (though we don’t always agree on what “Justice” looks like). They take their responsibilities seriously and recognize the life-changing nature of their work. They are the ones who have to make the difficult choices (choices that lawyers like me do not have to make): Whether to grant a close case or deny a sympathetic one that simply does not qualify for relief; whether to give an applicant the benefit of the doubt; whether to grant or deny as a matter of discretion. These are the tough choices that ultimately allow “the system” to continue functioning.

So it seems to me, the question for the anonymous asylum officer and many hundreds like him, is whether there is still room in the system–and in his particular job–to do Justice. In the case of our officer, it appears that such room still exists.

Even as the Trump Administration is working overtime to narrow the path for asylum seekers, it is still possible to do good. As the anonymous officer notes, “there is still space to be fair, and to provide opportunities for people.” And it’s not just fairness; it’s also kindness. Speaking about female asylum seekers detained at the Southern border, the officer says:

I think that oftentimes for the women who are detained at those facilities, [my interaction with them] will be the first moment that someone will be kind to them. The very first time in the whole process. They are not treated well at the border, by other agents in other agencies….

The value of such kindness is difficult to overstate. It can be the difference between hope and despair. Even for people who are ultimately denied, the fact that they were treated with respect and fairness makes a real difference. I have seen that myself many times.

As an attorney who represents asylum seekers, I hope that the anonymous officer will stay. When good people depart government service, the rule of law is degraded. The decency and compassion that have been–to borrow a word–the loadstars of our asylum system, are further eroded. And of course, the erosion of our humanitarian immigration system also marks a degradation of our country’s humanity.

These days, many good people in government are conflicted. The anonymous officer states, “I think about it [quitting] all the time.” I don’t blame the officer for this. It is painful to compromise one’s morals. But now, more than ever, I think we need people like this officer to stay. To do their jobs. And to pursue Justice.

Continue reading

196 Comments

Applying for a Green Card Overseas While Asylum Is Pending

by Jason Dzubow

This is the final installment in a three-part series about getting a Green Card while asylum is pending. Part 1 covered marriage to a U.S. citizen (or a petition by another “immediate relative”). Part 2 discussed other bases for a Green Card. Here, I will talk about leaving the U.S. to get a Green Card at a U.S. embassy.

Some non-citizens are eligible for a Green Card only if they leave the United States and process their case at an embassy overseas. This is generally because the law does not allow a person who is “out of status” to “adjust status” and get the Green Card in the U.S. As I discussed previously, a pending asylum case does not confer status on the applicant, and so certain asylum seekers must leave the U.S. if they hope to get a Green Card based on a family relationship, a job or some other basis.

Of course, if possible, it is safer to get your Green Card in the United States. But if that is not an option, and you must leave the country to process your case, how do you know whether you can return? What is the safest way to leave and come back to the U.S.? And what about asylum seekers who cannot go to the U.S. embassy in their home country?

Leaving the U.S. to return is kind-of like starting your diet at the DQ. It seems counter-intuitive and a bit dangerous.

First and most important, if you plan to leave the U.S., you should understand that you are taking a risk. From a legal perspective, it is a lot easier to prevent you from returning than to kick you out once you are here. For this reason, it is imperative to talk to a lawyer before leaving the country to process a Green Card application. Make sure the lawyer explains the basis for your eligibility, and explains each step of the process (and preferably puts it all in writing). You need to know how you are eligible for the Green Card, and how you can leave and return safely. Also, you should think about a back-up plan: What if the Green Card is denied? How will you return to the U.S. then?

Keep in mind that whether a person can successfully leave and return depends on many factors specific to the case: Do you have a 3/10 year bar? Are you eligible for a provisional waiver or some other waiver? Are there any other bars to obtaining the Green Card or re-entering the U.S.? Might there be a prior deportation order? All this needs to be discussed with a lawyer, and if you have any doubts about your prior immigration history, you should file a Freedom of Information Act request to get a copy of your file. You don’t want to leave the U.S. unless you are pretty certain that you can return.

Assuming you are eligible to leave and process your case at a U.S. embassy overseas, what happens if something goes wrong? Sometimes, people who seem eligible for consular processing arrive at the embassy and learn that there are problems with the case. Such people can get stuck outside the United States. Sometimes, a case can be un-stuck, but other times, there is no way to return. What then? If you have a pending asylum case, you can apply for Advance Parole (“AP”) before you leave the United States. AP is permission to leave the U.S. and re-enter later on. If you have AP, and if something goes wrong at the embassy, you can still return to the United States using AP as your “back up” plan.

I wrote about AP here, but since I wrote that article, things have gotten more difficult for AP applicants. USCIS seems more reluctant to issue AP, and when it is issued, it is granted for a shorter period of time. Also, the processing time for an AP application is unpredictable. For these reasons, it is more difficult to coordinate the consular processing and the AP so that they occur at the same time. But if you can do that, it will avoid the possibility of getting stuck overseas in the event that something goes wrong with the Green Card case.

Finally, asylum seekers have a special problem when it comes to consular processing. Normally, a person would process her case at the U.S. embassy in her home country. But asylum seekers have told the U.S. government that they fear harm in their home country. What to do?

One choice is to try processing the case in the home country anyway. Depending on the asylum case, you might be able to argue (to the U.S. government) that it is safe for you to visit the country for a short trip, but you cannot life there over the long term. Obviously, this reasoning works better where the persecutor is a non-government actor. If the persecutor is the government, they could presumably arrest you as soon as you arrive at the airport.

But even if the persecutor is not the government, returning to the home country involves some risk to your immigration status. The U.S. government may conclude that your original asylum application was fraudulent (since you voluntarily returned to your country). This could result in a denial of your asylum claim and a denial of any other application for an immigration benefit. So it is preferable to process your case in a third country.

However, processing the case in a third country is not always easy. If you are trying that, you would be well-advised to talk to a lawyer who has significant experience with consular processing. The benefit of processing the case in a third country is that it is (presumably) safer, since no one is trying to harm you in the third country, and you avoid the problem of the U.S. government suspecting that your asylum case was fake. The down side is that if the consular processing fails, you will be stuck in a third country. Another down side is that you may need a visa to visit the third country. Coordinating the visa, the consular processing, and the AP sounds like a real challenge, but if the stars align, this would probably be the safest way for an asylum seeker to obtain a Green Card overseas.

One last point. While I have been referring to obtaining the Green Card overseas, this is not exactly what happens. If the consular processing is successful, you will receive a packet, which you bring with you when you come to the United States. The packet is opened at the port of entry, and if all goes well, you should get your lawful permanent resident status at that time (in the form of a stamp in the passport). The actual Green Card comes later by mail.

So that’s it. There are alternatives to asylum available to some applicants, and those paths are worth considering. However, they are often tricky, and so it would be a good idea to talk to a lawyer to assist you with the process.

Continue reading

196 Comments

Applying for a Green Card While Asylum Is Pending: Family, Job, Lottery, &tc.

by Jason Dzubow

Aside from winning asylum, probably the most common way that asylum applicants obtain a Green Card is through marriage to a U.S. citizen (I wrote about that here). But there are other ways, and I will discuss some of those today.

As a preliminary manner, we need to talk about two concepts: lawful status and unlawful presence.

A person has lawful status in the United States if she arrives with a visa (or a visa waiver), does not violate the terms of that visa (by, for example, working without authorization), and the period of authorized stay has not yet expired (you can check whether your status has expired here). Such a person is considered “in status.”

The second concept is called “unlawful presence.” If you remain in the United States after your authorized stay has ended, you are unlawfully present. Each day you remain in the U.S. after your status has expired, you accrue one day of unlawful presence. If you have more than 180 days of unlawful presence, and you leave the United States, you are barred from returning for three years. If you have one year or more of unlawful presence, and you leave the U.S., you are barred from returning for 10 years. In attorney-speak, this is known as the 3/10 year bar. It is important to note that this bar only goes into effect if you leave the country. If you remain in the U.S., the 3/10 year bar has no effect. If you are (or will be) subject to the bar, it is still possible to return to the United States, but you need a waiver, (or a provisional waiver), which can be difficult and expensive to obtain.

If one road doesn’t lead to a Green Card, maybe another one will.

For people who entered the U.S. illegally, there are a whole set of other issues. In short, most such people will have to leave the U.S. to get their Green Cards, and this will likely be very difficult, since they may face various bars to returning. People in this situation may be eligible for a provisional waiver, or they may be able to obtain their Green Card under INA § 245(i) (discussed below). If this is you, talk to a lawyer about how to proceed, and make sure the lawyer maps out for you the whole process–how will you get from where you are now to a Green Card? Will you have to leave the U.S.? How will you return?

One last point, assuming you are “in status” and eligible to obtain your Green Card in the United States (called “adjusting status”), you normally must file the application (form I-485) before your lawful status expires. If you do that—even if your status expires while the I-485 is pending—you are eligible to adjust status. If you have to leave the U.S., you would certainly want to talk to a lawyer to be sure you are eligible to leave, get the Green Card, and return. I will discuss leaving the U.S. to get a Green Card in the final post of this series, so stay tuned.

With these preliminaries out of the way, let’s discuss some ways a person with a pending asylum case might obtain a Green Card.

Family Petition: Here is a list of family-based immigration categories (aside from immediate relative categories, which I previous discussed): (1) A Lawful Permanent Resident (“LPR”) can file for a spouse; (2) An LPR can file for a child who is under 21 and unmarried; (3) A U.S. citizen can file for an unmarried child who is over 21 years old; (4) A citizen can file for a child who is married; (5) A citizen can file for a sibling.

If you are in one of the above categories, your family member can file an I-130 petition for you. The different categories have different wait times, which you can see at the U.S. State Department Visa Bulletin. Also, certain countries—Mexico, China, India, and the Philippines—may have extra-long wait times, which you can also see on the Visa Bulletin. Once the date on the Visa Bulletin matches or passes the filing date for the form I-130 (called the “priority date”), you can apply for a Green Card. However, you might need to leave the United States in order to obtain the Green Card.

So how do you know whether you have to leave the U.S. to get your Green Card?

In order to get your Green Card based on one of the above categories without leaving the United States, you need to have entered the U.S. lawfully and still be “in status” (as discussed above). A pending asylum case is not considered “in status” for this purpose. Meaning, you need to have some other lawful status that has not yet expired (F-1 or H1b are two common possibilities). Given the long wait times for many of these categories, few people will be eligible to obtain their Green Cards without leaving the country.

There are exceptions to the general rule. The most common exception is under INA § 245(i). That section of the law states that a person who was physically present in the U.S. by December 20, 2000, and who was the beneficiary (or sometimes, the child of a beneficiary) of a family- or employment-based petition, or Labor Certification petition, filed by April 30, 2001, may be eligible to obtain a Green Card based on one of the above categories without leaving the U.S. If you think you might be eligible under INA § 245(i), talk to a lawyer to be sure. One other possible exception involves people with TPS, but such cases are often complex and you would need to talk to a lawyer about what to do. You can find some basic information about TPS and adjustment of status here.

Employer Petition: There are various types of employment-based petitions for a Green Card, called EB-1 through EB-5 (EB means “employment-based”). Some categories have a waiting period (and certain countries have extra-long waits); others do not. You can see all that here. Also, certain categories allow you to self-sponsor (EB-1, EB-2/National Interest Waiver, and EB-5). Other categories require an employer to sponsor you. Some categories allow for “premium processing,” which means you can expedite the case by paying an additional fee. In general, employment-based cases are complex, and you would probably want to use a lawyer to help you. USCIS has a good overview of the different employment-based categories and the requirements for each.

As with family-based petitions, unless you are “in status” (and a pending asylum case does not count), you would need to leave the U.S. to get your Green Card (this is where premium processing can sometimes come in handy) (also, there is a possible exception to this rule for certain employment-based categories where the period of the violation did not exceed 180 days, or where the period only exceeded 180 days due to a “technical violation” or through no fault of the alien – and potentially, this could include a person with a pending asylum case). Be aware that if you have unlawful presence, you could be barred from returning after you leave, per the 3/10 year bar (discussed above). Finally, employment-based immigrants may benefit from the same exceptions as family-based immigrants: INA §245(i) and perhaps TPS. In short, this can get very complicated, very quickly, so talk to a lawyer if you think you may be eligible to adjust status based on a job.

One word of caution for the EB categories. I have seen a number of instances where the alien hired (and paid) a lawyer to help with an employment-based Green Card, only to learn later that he (the alien) was ineligible to actually get the Green Card. The lawyer successfully completed the first step of the process (the petition or I-140), but the alien was ultimately ineligible to get the Green Card due to the 3/10 year bar, a prior removal order or for some other reason. The attorney knew or should have known this in advance—before the client started spending money on the case—but for whatever reason, did not inform the client. The short answer here: Make sure when you talk to a lawyer, you have her explain the entire process, whether you need to leave the U.S. to get your Green Card, and how you will do that and return. To be extra safe, I would have all this in writing.

Diversity Visa Lottery: If you win the Visa Lottery, and you are “in status,” you may be able to adjust status, as discussed above. If you are no longer “in status,” you would have to leave the U.S. to get your Green Card (unless you meet an exception, such as INA § 245(i), as discussed above). As always, be aware of the 3/10 year bar and any other bars to re-entry. Also, if you plan to leave the U.S. to collect your Green Card overseas, talk to a lawyer about the process, as the Lottery can be tricky, and you do not want to take get stuck outside the country.

Some Other Random Ideas: Aside from the more common ways to obtain a Green Card, there are some more obscure paths as well. Some of these might allow you to obtain a Green Card without leaving the U.S. If you think you might qualify for one of these visas, talk to a lawyer to evaluate your case. For a number of these visa, your best bet might be a non-profit organization, as many of these visas apply to particularly vulnerable people, who are often served by non-profits. A list of such organizations can be found here. Without further ado, here are a few of the lesser-well known paths to a Green Card:

– S Visa: The semi-mythical “snitch visa” for people who cooperate with the government in a criminal or terrorism investigation. I wrote about it here.

– T Visa: This visa may available to victims of “severe trafficking.” You can learn more here.

– U Visa: Victims of certain crimes who assist law enforcement may be eligible for a U visa. Learn more here.

– SIJ Visa: The Special Immigration Juvenile Visa may be available to minors who are abused, abandoned or neglected. If you are under 21 and you are not with a parent or guardian, you may qualify. More information is available here.

VAWA: Under the Violence Against Women Act, certain battered spouses, parents, and children are eligible to file for a Green Card (both men and women can qualify under VAWA). Learn more here.

In the final installment in this series, I will discuss leaving the United States to get your Green Card overseas.

Continue reading

289 Comments

Stephen Miller Is Not a Hypocrite

by Jason Dzubow

If you follow the news about immigration, you probably know Stephen Miller. He’s a Senior Policy Advisor to President Trump, and he’s supposedly the nefarious driving force behind many of the Administration’s most vicious anti-immigrant policies.

Last week, Dr. David S. Glosser–Mr. Miller’s uncle and a retired neuropsychologist who volunteers with refugees–penned a powerful article refuting his nephew’s raison d’etre: Stephen Miller Is an Immigration Hypocrite. I Know Because I’m His Uncle. The article discusses the immigration history of Mr. Miller’s family, and points out that the policies espoused by Mr. Miller would have prevented his own ancestors from escaping persecution in Europe. Here’s Dr. Glosser’s money shot:

Trump and my nephew both know their immigrant and refugee roots. Yet, they repeat the insults and false accusations of earlier generations against these refugees to make them seem less than human. Trump publicly parades the grieving families of people hurt or killed by migrants, just as the early Nazis dredged up Jewish criminals to frighten and enrage their political base to justify persecution of all Jews. Almost every American family has an immigration story of its own based on flight from war, poverty, famine, persecution, fear or hopelessness. Most of these immigrants became workers, entrepreneurs, scientists and soldiers of America.

Can you guess which one is Stephen Miller?

It’s a powerful piece, in part because of Dr. Glosser’s relationship to Stephen Miller, and in part due to the juxtaposition of these two men. Dr. Glosser speaks from his personal experience dealing with refugees. He sees the story of his parents and grandparents in the stories of modern-day refugees. He has absorbed the lessons of the past, particular with regard to ethnic and religious demonization. Mr. Miller, on the other hand, seems inured to the suffering of his fellow humans and immune to the lessons of history. I have never heard him articulate a fact-based justification for his cruel policies. But he persists in advocating for those policies nevertheless. Mr. Miller’s background and how it influences (or fails to influence) his thinking are important questions, as is the “grim historical irony” of his views.

Here, however, I want to discuss a different question: Is it accurate to call Mr. Miller and the President hypocrites because their policies would have blocked their own ancestors from immigrating to the United States? A second, perhaps more important question, is this: Why does the first question matter?

A hypocrite is a person who pretends to be something that he is not. It’s an epithet often used for politicians who claim to be virtuous and honest, but who, in reality, are the opposite. The word derives from the Greek “hypokrites,” which means “actor,” and there’s a long and rich history of contempt for hypocritical politicians (Dante, for example, relegates the hypocrites to the eight circle of hell, which is pretty close to the bottom).

I don’t think that Mr. Miller or Mr. Trump are hypocrites simply because their immigration policies would have blocked their own ancestors from coming to the U.S. They may be bigots and bullies, whose policies are based more on falsehood than fact, but that is not hypocrisy. Indeed, Mr. Trump has repeatedly articulated his disdain for Muslims, Mexicans, people from “shit-hole countries,” etc., and so the fact that he enacts policies to exclude such people seems perfectly consistent with his world view. He and Mr. Miller may hold ignorant and racist views, but that does not make them hypocrites.

Why does any of this matter?

Aside from the fact that words should be used properly (or as Inigo Montoya might say, “You keep using that word. I do not think it means what you think it means”), it seems wrong to try to limit what people can do by shaming them as hypocrites based on their ancestry. Is the decedent of slave owners a hypocrite if she supports Affirmative Action? Would a Native American be a hypocrite if he became an immigration lawyer? Is the daughter of a candy store owner acting hypocritically if she becomes a dietician? You get my point. We are who we are because of, and in spite of, our progenitors. But I don’t think we should be condemned for the choices we make that are not consistent with the choices they made.

Further, with regards to a complex topic like immigration policy, labels such as “hypocrite” seem inapplicable and designed to shut down–rather than encourage–discussion. Even a person who personally benefited from U.S. refugee policy, for example, has a right to oppose the admission of additional refugees. Economic and political circumstances change, as does the population of refugees seeking admission to our country. Maybe you support admitting some types of refugees (those like you) and oppose admitting others. Such a position is likely based on ignorance of “the other,” but I don’t think it is necessarily hypocritical.

So condemn Mr. Miller for his bigotry and his lies. Call out the irony of his policies, which would have blocked his own ancestors from finding refuge in our country. But don’t call Stephen Miller a hypocrite. Sadly, he is exactly what he purports to be.

Continue reading

110 Comments