To Brief or Not to Brief

It seems that every lawyer who represents asylum seekers has their own style of preparing cases.  Not surprisingly, each person thinks his way is the best (of course, they are all wrong, since my way is best).

One big divide I’ve noticed is between lawyers who submit legal briefs with their cases and those who don’t.  Whether due to increased efficiency or increased laziness, I am one of the lawyers who generally does not submit a brief with my cases.

When I first started doing asylum cases, I submitted briefs.  I felt it was necessary to set forth the law and the facts of my case, and to show why my client qualified for asylum.  As time went on, I ended that practice.  Now, I only include briefs if there is a sui generis (to use a fancy law school term) issue that deserves elucidation or if there are criminal or persecutor issues in the case.

The way I see it, there are advantages and disadvantages to including briefs with run-of-the-mill cases.

One advantage is that a brief helps the lawyer organize her thoughts.  It also forces the lawyer to specifically set forth the basis for the claim and might help exposes weaknesses that can be addressed prior to submitting the case.  Briefs are also helpful for cases involving “particular social groups,” where the brief can clearly define the social group.  Further, since lawyers should always be thinking one or two steps ahead, a brief creates a road map for appeal.  When Immigration Judges and Asylum Officers see that an applicant is well-prepared to continue litigating his case, they may be more likely to grant relief.  In addition, for new lawyers or lawyers who don’t normally represent asylum seekers, a brief can be particularly helpful for the lawyer to understand the law and how the facts of the case meet the legal requirements.

There are also disadvantages to writing briefs.  The main disadvantage is that writing a brief is time consuming.  Lawyers have limited time to prepare cases and we need to be efficient.  Time spent preparing a brief might better be used for gathering evidence, doing country condition research or preparing witnesses for trial.  My sense is that IJs and Trial Attorneys often do not read legal briefs, except if there is a legal issue that concerns them.  They already know the law, and they will gain a better understanding of the facts by reading the applicant’s story and reviewing the evidence.  Again, it is a question of efficiency–Asylum Officers and IJs have limited time to review cases, and they need to use their time wisely.

Also, for normal cases, where the law is not in dispute, a brief can be a distraction.  Conscientious fact-finders will often feel obliged to read everything submitted with an asylum application.  A brief that spends three pages “educating” the fact-finder about the law of asylum might be seen as condescending and does not provide information that will help the client.

Instead of a brief, I like to write a paragraph (or maybe two) explaining the basis of the claim.  If there is a particular social group, I define what that is.  I also include a detailed summary of the client’s affidavit and each piece of evidence.  To me, this is more useful to the IJ than a brief because she can read the summary and gain a good understanding of the case.

All that said, there of course is no “right way” to present an asylum case.  Each lawyer must decide what is best for herself and her client.

Letter to a Young Immigration Lawyer

One of the perks of working in an area of the law (asylum) that interests law students and young lawyers is that I periodically get to meet people seeking advice about starting a practice or finding a job doing asylum cases.  It’s never easy to advise people about their careers, but there are a few pieces of wisdom I’ve picked up over the years that I try to pass on.  So for what it’s worth, here are some thoughts for up-and-coming immigration lawyers:

– You can do it.  This one sounds trite, so I probably should not have put it first, but I think it is the most important piece of advice I can give.  It may seem difficult (or impossible) to get started in the field of asylum law, but people who persist almost always succeed.  In my case, I could not find the job I wanted, so I worked at another job for a few years, put most of my income towards paying off my student loans, and then opened my own practice.  I kept expecting it to fail, but so far–eight years later–I’m still here.  And once you get your first job in the field, it is easier to move around.  I’ve seen many friends move between public interests jobs, private firms, and academia.  In other words, once you’re in, you’re in.

– Experience in the field prior to and during law school is more important than grades, law school rankings or law journal.  If you are thinking of a career in asylum law, try to gain as much experience as possible while in law school.  There are many opportunities to volunteer, including at the Immigration Court or DHS, for non-profit organizations, and even for private attorneys.  Also, publishing in law school journals or other journals (or writing a blog!) is a good way to get some experience and attention.

– Try to get a clerkship.  A clerkship or an internship with a court is a great way to learn how judges decide cases.  And if you know what judges want, it will help you throughout your career.  I clerked for the Third Circuit in Philadelphia (greatest city on Earth) and for the Immigration Court in Arlington, Virginia.  Both jobs taught me a lot and made me a better lawyer.

Advice from fortune cookies and immigration lawyers should be taken with a grain of salt.

– Volunteer.  One way to get your foot in the door is to volunteer with an organization that represents asylum seekers.  There are many, and they are often in need of free labor.  Volunteering for one of these organizations will allow you to meet people in the field, learn about paying job opportunities, and learn the skills needed to effectively represent people in court and at the asylum office.  I know several people whose volunteer positions led to full time employment.  I would suggest that you think strategically about where you volunteer–some organizations are better than others for purposes of networking, learning the ropes, and getting hired.

– Keep salary expectations realistic.  Your clients are refugees for Pete’s sake. 

– Consider opening your own practice.  However, I would encourage you not to do this anywhere near Washington, DC.  If I am giving you free advice, the least you can do is not compete with me.  Starting a practice of your own may seem daunting, but it really is do-able.  In fact, most private immigration attorneys are solo or work for small firms.  There is a lot of support available from bar associations, organizations (like AILA), and other attorneys.  In fact, many bar associations have a person dedicated to helping lawyers start law firms.  Call your bar association and ask about the resources they can offer you.

If you are thinking about a career in immigration law and asylum, I hope you will be encouraged to give it a go.  It’s a rewarding area of the law where you will have an opportunity to make a real difference in your clients’ lives.

The Nonsensical Biometrics Check

I arrived in Court the other day for an asylum case where I represented an Ethiopian poet who had been detained and persecuted for her political writings.  When the DHS attorney arrived, she told me that she had good news and not-so-good news.  The good news was that she reviewed the case and felt that my client should receive asylum (that was VERY good news).  The not-so-good news was that the biometric background check was not complete, so she thought we would have to reschedule the matter for another hearing, and the client would receive asylum at that time.  That news was inconvenient, and maybe a bit annoying, but not so bad.  However, it raises the question: What’s the deal with those pesky biometric background checks?

DHS biometric technicians hard at work.

Before we get to that question, here is a more basic query: What the heck is a biometric?  The State Department defines the term as follows:

A biometric or biometric identifier is an objective measurement of a physical characteristic of an individual which, when captured in a database, can be used to verify the identity or check against other entries in the database. The best known biometric is the fingerprint, but others include facial recognition and iris scans.

In the case of asylum seekers, the biometrics are fingerprints and a photo.

Biometrics checks in asylum cases are valid for 15 months.  Meaning that if a case takes longer than that (which most cases do), the asylum seeker has to go for a new biometrics appointment where DHS again takes the person’s fingerprints and photo.  What’s nonsensical about this is that fingerprints do not change after 15 months.  In fact, the whole point of identifying people by their fingerprints is that the prints never change.  Otherwise, they would not be a very good way to identify people.  So why do the asylum seekers have to be re-printed?

As best as I can tell, sending asylum seekers for another fingerprint appointment is a way to “tickle” the system and generate a new background report.  So here’s a suggestion: Rather than wasting hours of the asylum seekers’ time arranging an appointment and traveling to the (always inconvenient) biometric office, and wasting the government’s time and money to repeatedly fingerprint and photograph hapless asylum seekers, let’s create a system where some government official pushes a button on a computer and generates a background check based on the existing biometric data.  This seems like a simple way to save time and money.  Also, since it can be done immediately prior to the Individual Hearing, it will be completely up to date.

In my Ethiopian case, the DHS attorney was able to run back to her office and get the results of the background check, so my client’s case was granted that day.   But for efficiencies sake, it would be better to reform the current biometric procedures.

New Government Training Manuel for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex Asylum Claims

USCIS and Immigration Equality have joined forces to create a new training module for asylum adjudicators called “Guidance for Adjudicating Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex (LGBTI) Refugee and Asylum Claims.”  According to Immigration Equality, the new module “instructs asylum officers on substantive aspects of the law and highlights the unique difficulties that LGBTI claimants may experience in articulating their claims for asylum.”  A few highlights from the module:

  • My favorite LGBTI asylum seeker.
    Helpful definitions, and appropriately sensitive questions, for officers to use, including specific instructions about questions to avoid, such as those related to specific sexual practices;
  • LGBTI-specific examples of harm that may constitute persecution, including: laws criminalizing same-sex sexual activity in an applicant’s home country; forced medical or psychiatric treatment intended to “cure” an applicant’s sexual orientation; forced marriage to an opposite-gender spouse; severe economic harm; and beatings or other physical abuse;
  • Instructions for analyzing complex issues, for example, that a former opposite-gender marriage does not mean an applicant is not lesbian or gay; that LGBTI applicants are not required to meet pre-conceived stereotypes or “look gay;” and that cultural norms within the LGBTI community in an applicant’s home country may differ from those in the U.S.; and
  • A non-exhaustive list of possible one-year filing deadline exceptions (which make it difficult to pursue asylum after one year of presence in the United States), including: recently “coming out” as LGBTI; recent steps to transition from birth gender to corrected gender; a recent HIV diagnosis; post-traumatic stress disorder; or severe family opposition to an applicant’s identity.

I am particularly happy to see some (though, in my opinion, not enough) guidance about the one-year filing deadline (see page 47 of the module).  Most likely, the reason for the sparse guidance is that there is not much BIA case law on this issue (note to BIA–publish more cases!).  In my experience–and I am not alone–the one year deadline is a particular problem in LGBTI cases.

Overall, the module seems like a valuable resource for adjudicators and advocates.  Congratulations to Immigration Equality and USCIS on a job well done.

Dead Honduran Seeks Asylum in the U.S.

Four years ago, Josue Rafael Orellana Garcia fled Honduras to escape persecution by a criminal gang.  It seems the gang originally targeted him due to a handicap–he lost an eye and much of his hearing when he was struck by a tree during Hurricane Mitch.  Mr. Orellana arrived illegally in the United States at age 17 and requested political asylum.  His case was ultimately denied, and he was deported to Honduras in 2010.  

Mr. Orellana's mother with a photo of her deceased son.

Back in Honduras, Mr. Orellana disappeared while running an errand.  His body was found in July of last year.  Presumably, Mr. Orellana was murdered by the same gang members that had been persecuting him all along. 

Now, the Wall Street Journal reports that Mr. Orellana’s attorney has brought a posthumous asylum case before the Board of Immigration Appeals.  The purpose of the case is to highlight our country’s failure to protect people fleeing gang violence in Central America.  Mr. Orellana’s attorney, Joshua Bardavid, states, “I think it’s something that needs to be acknowledged: that we failed him; that he came here seeking safety, and the entire system let him down.”

The problem of gang violence is certainly endemic in several Central American countries.  Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala have some of the highest murder rates in the world (several times higher than Mexico, which has received much attention of late).  And the asylum grant rate from those countries is quite low.  According to statistics from the Department of Justice, in FY 2009 (the latest year I see data available) the asylum grant rate was as follows: Honduras: 5.5%, El Salvador: 2.9%, Guatemala: 4.3%.

As far as I know, there is no provision in the INA to grant asylum to someone who is deceased (unlike naturalization, which can be granted posthumously).  However, Mr. Orellana’s case is a sobering reminder that when we return Central American asylum seekers to their countries, we sometimes condemn them to death.  Hopefully, his case will help bring attention to this serious and difficult issue. 

For those attorneys and advocates working on gang-based asylum cases, the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants has some good resources that might prove useful.

Credibility Determinations Are Not Credible, Part Three

In this series, I have been writing about methods for determining whether an alien is telling the truth.  So far, I have examined inconsistencies, demeanor, and lack of detail, and I have posited that none of these methods is very reliable.  Today, I will examine one method that I have long felt was the least reliable, but as I’ve worked on more cases, I have begun to believe that it actually may work better than other techniques used to determine credibility.  I am speaking about plausibility.

First, what do we mean by plausibility?  When a fact finder determines that an event is not believable, it is implausible.  For example, I worked on a case where the Immigration Judge found my client’s testimony implausible.  The client was an Ethiopian political activist who passed through government security at the airport even though a warrant had been issued for her arrest.  The IJ did not believe that a person wanted by the government could pass through airport security.

Unless your name is Big Daddy, you probably can't smell the mendacity.

The reason I previously felt that plausibility was a poor basis for determining credibility is because it is difficult to know what is plausible.  In the above example, it turns out that many high-level political activists who had been jailed by the government were able to leave the country through the airport.  In my case, we presented this evidence and my client received asylum.

As I’ve thought about it more, I’ve come to believe that my case was decided in the proper way.  The IJ was concerned about a legitimate plausibility issue.  We presented evidence to satisfy that concern.  The case was granted. 

The astronomer Carl Sagan famously said, “Extraordinary claims require extraordinary proof.”  Mr. Sagan’s axiom can be applied in the asylum context.  Where an alien makes a claim that the IJ finds implausible, the alien should be given an opportunity to demonstrate that the claim is, in fact, plausible.  The more implausible the claim, the better evidence the alien will need to demonstrate plausibility.  This seems like a reasonable method for assessing credibility.

If there is a conclusion to this short series on credibility, I suppose it is that no method of determining credibility is all that reliable.  This problem exists in all areas of the law, but it is particularly acute in the asylum context where so much rests on an alien’s unsupported testimony.  The various methods of determining credibility can certainly help suss out the most egregious untruths, but beyond that, I have real doubts about their effectiveness.  In the end, the fact finder must reach a conclusion using the imperfect tools that are available.  Given all that rides on these decisions, it’s not a task I envy them.

Credibility Determinations Are Not Credible, Part Two

I previously wrote about how credibility determinations based on inconsistencies are not reliable.  Today, I want to discuss a couple more methods that I think don’t work, and next time, I will write about one method that seemingly doesn’t work, but might actually be a better test for credibility than the other methods.  First, two methods that don’t work well:

Demean girl.

Demeanor.  Fact finders often judge credibility based on the alien’s demeanor during testimony.  Demeanor includes things like “body language,” “looking at the judge,” “responsiveness” to questions, and whether the alien’s answers are “vague.”  Such evaluations are quite subjective and–because the IJ actually sees the respondent in person while the BIA does not–are subject to great deference by reviewing courts.  The problem, of course, is that cultural differences and different personalities can be confused with deceptive demeanor.  This is particularly true in asylum cases, where the applicant often has faced persecution by the authorities, and is nervous to present herself before a tribunal.  These issues, and the inability for reviewing courts to overseas demeanor determinations, make demeanor a poor method for judging credibility.

Lack of Detail.  This is one that you see on referrals from the Asylum Office, but it’s not so common in Immigration Court.  My initial reaction when I see this is to blame the Asylum Officer.  If the Officer wanted more detail, she should have asked more questions.  But I know this is not exactly what is meant by “lack of detail.” 

Demeanor girl.

An example will illustrate the point.  An asylum seeker (represented by my friend) was asked to describe the conditions of her detention.  She responded: “I was locked up and I was interrogated.”  The Officer repeated the question and received a similar answer.  As my friend points out, even someone who has never been to prison knows that detained people are locked up and interrogated.  Thus, this testimony lacks detail because anyone–whether they had been detained or not–could have provided it.  In this situation, the Asylum Officer or her attorney should have asked additional, more specific questions, such as “What did you do every day in detention?” “How was the food?” “Describe your prison cell,” etc.  If the applicant could not provide additional information, a finding of “lack of detail” would be appropriate.

The reason I think “lack of detail” is a poor basis for credibility determinations is because Asylum Officers and immigration lawyers don’t always ask enough questions to distinguish between an alien who is unable to provide additional detail versus an alien who does not provide additional details because he does not understand the type of information the Asylum Officer is looking for.

Obviously for both “demeanor” and “lack of detail,” where there are egregious problems with the alien’s testimony, he can properly be found incredible.  However, in many run-of-the-mill situations, these methods are not a reliable measure of whether the alien is telling the truth.  In a future post, I will discuss some methods of judging credibility that might be more effective. 

Credibility Determinations Are Not Credible

In an asylum case, one of the most difficult determinations for the fact finder is the alien’s credibility: Is the alien telling the truth about his claim?

Over time, various courts have weighed in on how to determine whether an alien is telling the truth.  There is an excellent resource about the case law on credibility available from EOIR here (click where it says “Circuit Credibility Outline”). 

One of the main methods used to determine credibility is to to look for inconsistent statements in an alien’s testimony and evidence.  In some ways, this is an effective means of judging credibility.  For example, I know of a case where an Ethiopian asylum seeker claimed to have been detained and mistreated by her government.  DHS had evidence that the asylum seeker had actually been living in Italy for many years, including during the period that she claimed to have been detained in Ethiopia.  Thus, it was pretty clear that her claim was fraudulent.  However, the vast majority of inconsistencies are far more subtle.

Someone named Mr. Incredible would probably not do well in Immigration Court.

A much more common scenario is where an alien is found incredible because he gives the wrong date for an arrest or participation in a political event.  Such an inconsistency tells us little about whether the alien is lying or telling the truth because human memory does not work that way.  Most events are not tied to a particular date in our memories. 

For example, I was once in a car accident.  I remember many details of the accident, but I cannot tell you the day (or month or year) that it happened.  As a lawyer, when I sit in my office preparing the client’s affidavit, I ask him to list all the dates as accurately as possible.  Often, this involves figuring out or estimating the correct date.  Once we have agreed upon the (hopefully) correct date, the client memorizes that date.  So in Court or at the Asylum Office, the client is not actually remembering the date of the event.  Instead, he is remembering the date that we reconstructed in my office.

This means that the recitation (or regurgitation) of dates to the fact finder may be a decent test of the alien’s memory, but it is of little value in assessing his credibility. The corollary, of course, is that failure to remember dates–except in the most egregious circumstances–should not be used to support a negative credibility finding. 

Another technique to evaluate credibility is to look for inconsistencies between an alien’s testimony and the testimony of her witness.  However, this is not very reliable either.  I tried a little experiment recently that illustrates the point: Last semester, I co-taught Immigration Law and Policy at George Mason University.  My co-teacher and I had dinner a month prior to the class.  To demonstrate a marriage interview to the class, the co-teacher waited outside and the students asked me a series of questions about the dinner.  She returned and they asked her the same questions.  Our answers were only partially consistent.  The class then voted on whether we actually had dinner.  About half the class thought we had dinner; the other half thought that we were lying about having dinner.

Now if this is the level of consistency when two immigration lawyers are questioned about a recent event, it seems likely that non-lawyers who are not familiar with the U.S. immigration system might respond inconsistently to questions about more distant events.  Therefore, it is unfair to base an adverse credibility finding on minor inconsistencies between a respondent’s and a witness’s testimony.

In a future posting, I will discuss other methods of determining credibility.

The Problem With Immigration Lawyers and How to Fix It, Part 1: Immigration Judges

The poor quality of the immigration bar is a much discussed topic in certain circles (I wrote about it here).  A recent study in the Cardozo Law Review that was featured last month in the New York Times provides an opportunity to discuss the situation, and give my two cents about how to improve representation for immigrants.  According to the Times, “The study was conducted by a group of lawyers and researchers under the auspices of Robert A. Katzmann, a federal appellate judge in New York City.”  “Judge Katzmann blames predatory lawyers who are not familiar with immigration law for much of the poor representation.”

Judges to Immigration Lawyers: You stink!

The Times reports that Immigration Judges in the New York City area were surveyed, and they were less than pleased with the quality of the attorneys practicing in their courts.  The judges said that 33% of immigrants have “inadequate counsel” and 14% have “grossly inadequate” counsel.  The judges “gave private lawyers the lowest grades, while generally awarding higher marks to pro bono counsel and those from nonprofit organizations and law school clinics.”

I believe that Immigration Judges bear some blame for the lawyers’ poor performance.  Aside from the fact that I’m a vindictive so-and-so who doesn’t like judges dissing attorneys, why would I blame judges for attorney behavior?  Let me explain.

Immigration Judges are bound by certain ethical rules, which are set forth in the Ethics and Professionalism Guide.  The Guide states that Immigration Judges–like all DOJ attorneys–have a duty to report allegations of misconduct by other Justice Department attorneys and “a duty to report allegations of misconduct by non-Department attorneys.” See United States Attorneys’ Manual (“USAM”), Chapters 1-4.100 & 1-4.150 (“Allegations of misconduct by non-DOJ attorneys or judges shall be reported to OPR [Office of Professional Responsibility] for a determination of whether to report the allegation to appropriate disciplinary officials.” (emphasis added)).  Thus, it is mandatory for IJs to report misconduct.

According to IJs in New York, 14% of attorneys are “grossly inadequate,” meaning:

They are often poorly prepared or make incoherent arguments in court.  Some fail to present key evidence or witnesses.  Others simply do not show up.

Under the rules of the Guide and the USAM, it seems pretty clear that Immigration Judges are duty-bound to report attorneys who engage in at least some of these bad practices.  To the extent that IJs do not report such behavior, they are encouraging and enabling incompetent and/or dishonest attorneys to continue preying upon naive aliens.

Based on my experience working at an Immigration Court and as a practitioner, everyone–including the IJs–knows who the bad actors are.  I am not talking about attorneys of good will who periodically screw up.  We all make mistakes.  I am talking about attorneys who routinely fail to provide minimally competent work and who regularly destroy their clients’ chances to remain in the U.S.  Given many foreigners’ inexperience with our system and their fear of the authorities, it is critical that Immigration Judges report incompetent and dishonest lawyers to the appropriate disciplinary committees.  When they fail to fulfill this duty, they allow the harmful conduct to continue.

The Little Things Mean a Lot

Over the years, I’ve attended many asylum interviews.  I notice that different Asylum Officers conduct the interviews in different ways.  While much of this is personal style, some of the differences strike me as something more.  I wonder whether these different interview techniques have any effect on the decision.  Below are some of the differences I’ve noticed, and some thoughts about them:

– Some officers type their notes; others write the notes by hand.  Also, some officers seemingly write down every word the applicant says, while others do not.  These differences are pretty substantive, and they speak to the need to record asylum interviews.   Asylum Officer notes are not only used to make decisions; they are sometimes used for impeachment purposes in Immigration Court.  Notes that are vague or illegible may not be admissible in court.  Also, if different officers are preparing their notes in different ways, it impacts the supervisor’s ability to review the Asylum Officer’s decision.  If interviews were recorded, the officers could take whatever notes they needed to make their decision, and we would still have an accurate record of the interview available to the supervisors and the Immigration Court. 

Some interview styles work better than others.

– Some officers make photocopies of original documents, even when we have submitted copies of those documents already.  Other officers rely on the copies we have submitted.  I don’t think this makes much difference in the case, but it is a bit odd.  Why does one officer trust the copies that we’ve submitted while another officer wants to make her own copies? 

– Some officers copy the lawyer’s ID, others do not.  Again, I don’t see how this makes any substantive difference, but I have no idea why one officer wants a copy of my photo ID while another has no need for it.

– Most Asylum Officers review the form I-589 with the applicant at the beginning of the interview and allow the applicant to make any needed corrections.  A few officers do not review the form and instead make corrections as needed throughout the interview.  This difference strikes me as substantive because it may affect how an officer views the applicant’s credibility.  If the officer reviews the form at the beginning, and then the applicant’s story is not consistent with the form, the officer can find him not credible.  However, if the officer does not review the form at the beginning of the interview, it is a bit unfair to base an adverse credibility finding on a statement that is not consistent with the form, since the applicant did not have an opportunity to correct any errors.

Well, those are a few differences I’ve noticed.  Whether they have any effect on decisions, I don’t know.  But it seems to me that whenever decision makers use different techniques in their interviews, it is worth noting.

The Tyranny of Unreturned Phone Calls

Aliens have a due process right to a fair hearing in Immigration Court.  At what point is that due process right violated when the alien (or her attorney) is unable to communicate with the Court or the DHS attorney?

It is a common scenario for the attorney to contact DHS counsel for a pre-trial conference.  The purpose of this communication is to narrow the issues and learn about DHS’s position in the case.  More often than not, messages left for DHS counsel are not returned.  The DHS attorneys usually have an explanation for failing to return calls—they are too busy or they are not responsible for that particular case.  But the inability to speak with government counsel prior to trial often has real-life consequences for aliens in Immigration Court.

This guy had an easier time making a phone call than most immigration attorneys.

For example, I recently had a Nepalese asylum case remanded by the BIA.  The Board found that my client had suffered past persecution based on a protected ground, and remanded the case to determine whether DHS had any evidence to rebut the presumption that my client faces a well-founded fear of future persecution.  It was pretty obvious that DHS would not rebut the presumption, and the IJ could grant asylum (the IJ said as much himself in court).  Unfortunately, several calls to DHS went unreturned, and when we got to Court, the DHS attorney was unable to state the government’s position.  The result: The case is delayed for several months so DHS can decide what to do.

We face similar problems when attempting to communicate with the Immigration Court.  A recent example of this for me was when the Court rescheduled one of my cases to a date when I was unavailable.  I promptly filed a motion to reschedule, but there was no response.  I called the Court numerous times.  Sometimes, the phone just rang with no answer.  Other times, I left messages that were not returned.  A few times, I actually spoke to someone, but those people were unable to help (they told me that the Judge had the motion but had not yet made a decision).  In the end, I had to send the client to Court without me.  The Judge was angry and blamed me.  He threatened that if I was not in Court the next time, the case would go forward without me.  In the end, he rescheduled the case.  But my inability to communicate with the Court almost caused my client to lose her right to an attorney.

The obvious solution is for DHS attorneys and court employees to return our phone calls.  But I know it is not that simple.  Case loads are oppressive, and I imagine the government workers receive many phone calls and messages.  There is very little time to return calls.  (Not to let government workers off too easy—I also receive many phone calls and have a busy schedule, but I return all my calls).

Aside from hiring more employees (not gonna happen), I am not sure how to make this better.  Perhaps there could be a dedicated email address, which we could use to communicate with the Court or DHS.  The email could be screened by an employee and priority issues could be forwarded to the appropriate party.  Or maybe there could be AILA/immigration lawyer volunteers who act as liaisons to DHS or the Court.  For the time being, though, we are left to call repeatedly and hope we reach someone.

EOIR’s Experimental “Pilot Program” Devastates Asylum Seekers

The New York Times recently reported on a new policy at the Department of Homeland Security (“DHS”) and the Executive Office for Immigration Review (“EOIR”) designed to prioritize the removal of criminal aliens.  Under the policy, DHS will review cases and terminate proceedings for aliens deemed a low priority for removal.  At the same time, EOIR (the Immigration Courts) will re-arrange its dockets to expedite priority cases.  From December 4, 2011 to January 13, 2012, EOIR will be implementing the Prosecutorial Discretion Pilot Project in Baltimore and Denver.  The results for aliens seeking asylum are already pretty devastating, and if the program goes national in its present form, we can expect serious problems for many asylum seekers.

Some experiments have unintended consequences.

My first experience with the program came last week when we received notice that my client’s Individual Hearing was re-scheduled from this December to May 2014 (yes, that is 2014, almost 2.5 years from now).  The man is an Eritrean national who fled persecution in his homeland.  He has a decent case and he had been hoping for a resolution later this month.  Now he must wait until 2014.  He has no work permit and the Asylum Clock is stopped in his case.

According to EOIR, the goal of the Pilot Program is “to ensure that [limited] resources are focused on the Administration’s highest immigration enforcement priorities.”  Unfortunately, in this case, the Administration’s “enforcement priorities” (i.e., removal of aliens) comes at the expense of our country’s humanitarian obligations.

Part of the problem, I think, is the government’s attitude, articulated by the Supreme Court in INS v. Doherty, 502 U.S. 314, 323 (1992), that “every delay works to the advantage of the deportable alien who wishes merely to remain in the United States.”  I have always felt that this statement reflects an insensitivity and ignorance about many aliens who are in the U.S.  While some aliens do merely hope to delay their removal, asylum seekers wish to see their cases resolved as quickly as possible.  There are a number of reasons for this: Asylum seekers are hoping to petition for their family members, some of whom face threats in the home country; asylum seekers fear return to their country, and waiting for years to learn their fate is extremely stressful; many asylum seekers are young and hope to study in university, which is difficult without lawful status; many asylum seekers are well educated and hope to find professional jobs, which is also difficult without status.

For all these reasons, delaying asylum hearings for 2+ years is devastating to many asylum seekers.

The Pilot Program is going forward, and I imagine that the same or similar policies will be adopted throughout the U.S.  Given this new reality, here are a couple suggestions about how EOIR can mitigate the difficulty to asylum seekers and other aliens who are hoping for a resolution of their cases:

– When an asylum case is postponed, the Asylum Clock should start automatically, so that the asylum seeker can obtain her work permit.

– EOIR should reserve some time slots in the (relatively) near future for asylum seekers and others whose cases have been postponed.  Aliens that wish to have a sooner resolution of their cases can file motions to expedite.  Thus, for example, if EOIR reserved some time slots in 2012, my 2014 client could file a motion requesting one of those dates.

Finally, while it might be futile to argue that we should not be prioritizing removals over protecting people fleeing persecution, I want to give it a try.  Statistically, most removals involve people with no criminal histories.  Even many “criminal aliens” are convicted of very minor violations (driving without a license, using a false ID, and drunk in public are three common violations).  The benefit to the U.S. of removing these people quickly–and often separating them from their family members–is pretty minimal.  On the other hand, as discussed above, the harm of leaving legitimate asylum seekers in limbo for long periods is severe.  If these competing interests are balanced, it seems unjust that asylum seekers should never receive priority over the removal of “criminal aliens.”  EOIR should re-think its policy to account for the needs of legitimate asylum seekers.

Pleading the Fifth

It’s rare that one of my clients or witnesses needs to assert the protection of the Fifth Amendment, but it happened the other day in court.

The case involved an Eritrean who fled persecution in his country and made his way to the U.S. with the help of smugglers.  His journey cost more than $10,000.00, paid for by various relatives.  One of the relatives came to court as a witness.  During cross examination of this witness, the trial attorney asked about sending money to my client to pay the smugglers.  Not only is this a crime, but it is also a deportable offense (the witness is a lawful permanent resident). 

The Fifth Amendment: It's not just for baseball players, Solyndra executives, and comedians.

I objected to the question on the basis that the witness was unrepresented, and if he testified about paying for a smuggler, his testimony could be used against him in a criminal prosecution (not to mention a removal proceeding).  After my objection, the IJ instructed the witness about his rights under the Fifth Amendment and the witness chose to invoke his right against self incrimination.  Probably a smart move.

The situation raises a few issues.  For one, what is the attorney’s obligation to protect the witness?  I certainly could have allowed the witness to answer DHS’s question.  The witness did not know that he might face prosecution for helping his friend enter the U.S. illegally; nor did he know about his Fifth Amendment right.  In this case, there was no conflict between my client’s interests and the witness’s, and so objecting was clearly the right thing to do.  But what if the witness’s testimony would have helped my client, but harmed the witness? Perhaps I would be obliged to allow the witness to testify in order to help my client (I have a duty to my client, but not to the witness).  I suppose this points to the need for witnesses to have their own attorneys in court, but as a practical matter, I imagine that is pretty unlikely.  

Another issue is the Immigration Judge’s obligation in this situation.  A quick review of the Immigration Judge Benchbook does not reveal any helpful guidance.  The Ethics  and Professional Guidelines are little better, though they do advise the IJ to “act in a professional manner towards all… witnesses.”  Based on this, one could argue that the IJ should inform a witness when he is entering dangerous territory.  To the extent that IJs are not obligated to notify witnesses of potentially self incriminating testimony, it seems to me that EOIR should create some guidance on this point to protect witnesses in Immigration Court.     

Finally, does the DHS attorney have any obligation to the alien?  The only other time a Fifth Amendment issue came up in one of my cases, I was questioning a witness and the DHS attorney pointed out that the witness’s answer might incriminate him (and no, I was not purposely out to get the witness; I didn’t realize that my question had potentially dangerous consequences).  DHS attorneys represent the government and should act justly.  However, sometimes there are good reasons to question a witness about issues that might incriminate him.  DHS attorneys need to balance their obligation to do justice with the need for information in the case.  I would argue that DHS attorneys should warn witnesses when they are asking questions that might incriminate them, but my guess is, most DHS attorneys would disagree with me.

As for my case, the Respondent was granted relief under the Torture Convention (a result we were not thrilled with, but it beats a denial) and the witness did not incriminate himself.  I guess that is mostly a happy ending.

EOIR to Stop Wasting DOS’s Time

The Executive Office for Immigration Review has published new proposed regulations that would amend the requirement that all asylum applications filed with the Immigration Court also be filed with the Department of State.  Until now, when an alien files a defensive asylum application (form I-589) in court, he was required to file a second copy for the State Department.  The Immigration Judge would forward the application to the State Department, which could comment on the application.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton reviewing asylum applications for EOIR.

The reality was that DOS almost never had any comment, so the second I-589 disappeared into a bureaucratic black hole.  Immigration Judges found the process so useless, that some would not even take a second copy of the I-589, as they had no intention of forwarding it to DOS (in violation of the existing regulations).  I observed this at a recent Master Calendar Hearing, where the IJ specifically instructed a lawyer not to file a second copy of the I-589, since the State Department never had any comments and the IJ had no intention of sending them a copy of the form.

I suppose the fact that IJs ignored the existing regulation is a good argument in favor of modifying the rule (though ordinarily when Immigration Judges ignore regulations, bad things happen).

Under the new rule, Immigration Judges have discretion to forward the I-589 forms to DOS, and should do so only “to ascertain whether DOS has information relevant to the applicant’s eligibility for asylum.”  Supposedly, this new rule will increase efficiency by limiting the number of inquiries to DOS.

The big problem with the new regulation (as with the old regulation) is that it puts the IJ in the position of the prosecutor, rather than in the position of a neutral decision-maker.  It seems to me, a better rule would be to allow the DHS Trial Attorney to submit the I-589 to DOS if she deems the State Department’s opinion useful.  Since the Trial Attorney is the person tasked with litigating the case, she is the best person to determine what evidence is necessary.  She is also (theoretically) familiar with the case and is thus best positioned to know if DOS might have relevant information about the asylum seeker. 

In an effort to be a glass-is-half-full kind of guy, I suppose the new regulation is an improvement over the current system.  The better approach, however, is to let DHS handle the investigation and leave the decision-making to the Immigration Judge.

The BIA’s Ridiculous Deadline

beeI once heard about an Admiral during WWII who described carrier warfare as hours of boredom punctuated by moments of terror.  That is a bit like how I think of appeals to the Board of Immigration Appeals.

First, you file your appeal.  Nothing happens for a couple months.

Then, the transcript arrives.  You theoretically have 21 days to write the brief.  However, by the time you receive the transcript, a few days have passed.  Plus, you have to make sure that the appeal brief is received by the Board no later than day 21, so you have to mail it early.  Thus, you actually have about 15 or 16 days to write the brief.  Of course, the transcript always arrives when you are about to leave for vacation or when you have three individual hearings to prepare for, so the 15 or 16 days is not enough.  You can ask for one extension (which seems to be granted as a matter of course), so you can realistically gain a total of about 36 or 37 days to prepare the brief.

After the brief is filed, you will then wait one to two years for a decision.

So my question is: Since these appeals take so long anyway, why are we given such little time to prepare a brief?  

Perhaps limiting the time for the alien to submit a brief is a way of stopping her from dragging out her final removal date.  But given the one to two year (or more) time frame for these appeals, is another few weeks going to make much difference?

There is, of course, a downside to limiting the time for the brief: Given most attorneys’ busy schedules, it is difficult to do our best work when we have insufficient time to write the brief, particularly if we are unlucky enough to have the transcript and briefing schedule arrive at a bad time (which always seems to happen).

The obvious solution is to extend the time for filing the brief.  Federal appeals courts (at least where I practice) generally give about 45 days to file the brief.  Lower courts usually give at least 30 days.  All these courts grant extensions where warranted.  At a minimum, the BIA should initially grant six weeks to file the brief; at least this would save lawyers the time and uncertainty of having to ask for a three-week extension.

With more time, we can expect better briefs–not only from the private bar, but also from DHS.  I imagine this would result in better BIA decisions.  There is really no good reason for such short deadlines with the BIA.  The Board should consider extending the time for filing briefs.