Acting USCIS Director to Asylum Seekers: You Can Live Safely in Your Own Country

Acting USCIS Director Ken Cuccinelli is encouraging Asylum Officers to deny asylum applications and credible fear interviews by any means necessary. He is particularly concerned about our Southern border, where “an unprecedented number of aliens [are] overwhelming our asylum system.” According to Mr. Cuccinelli, many of these aliens are “ineligible for asylum and are attempting to enter and remain in the country in violation of our laws.” His latest strategy for rejecting asylum applicants involves a regulatory bar to asylum called “internal relocation.”

Under existing rules, where an applicant fears harm from non-state actors, Asylum Officers and Immigration Judges should determine whether the applicant can live safely anywhere in the home country–in other words, whether the applicant can internally relocate. If the applicant can live safely within her home country, she is probably ineligible for asylum. The burden of proof in “internal relocation” cases varies, depending on whether the government is the persecutor, and whether the applicant has suffered past persecution: According to the regulations

In cases in which the applicant has not established past persecution, the applicant shall bear the burden of establishing that it would not be reasonable for him or her to relocate, unless the persecution is by a government or is government-sponsored.

In cases in which the persecutor is a government or is government-sponsored, or the applicant has established persecution in the past, it shall be presumed that internal relocation would not be reasonable, unless the Service establishes by a preponderance of the evidence that, under all the circumstances, it would be reasonable for the applicant to relocate.

Ken Cuccinelli: “Erupting volcanoes contain areas that are generally very safe. Look, here’s one!”

This means that where the government is not the persecutor, and the applicant has not suffered past persecution, the applicant must demonstrate that there is no place in his country where he can live safely. How do you show this? First, according to the Board of Immigration Appeals, internal relocation must be “reasonable under all the circumstances.” According to the relevant regulations, “adjudicators should consider, but are not limited to considering, whether the applicant would face other serious harm in the place of suggested relocation; any ongoing civil strife within the country; administrative, economic, or judicial infrastructure; geographical limitations; and social and cultural constraints, such as age, gender, health, and social and familial ties.” An example from my practice would be a single woman from Afghanistan who fears persecution from the Taliban because of her political activities. Given the restrictive culture in Afghanistan and the generally high level of violence throughout the country, especially against women, it would not be reasonable to expect her to pick up and move to a new city.

Where the persecutor is the government, or where the applicant has demonstrated past persecution, the applicant enjoys a presumption that internal relocation is impossible. Under these circumstances, the U.S. government has the burden to show by a preponderance of the evidence that safe internal relocation is possible. An example of government persecution and internal relocation might be an Evangelical Christian from Eritrea. The government there persecutes people from “banned” religions, including Evangelicals. Since the Eritrean government controls the entire country, internal relocation is not possible. The situation might be different in a country where the government does not control all its territory. For example, an applicant who fears persecution from the Iraqi government might be questioned about whether she could “internally relocate” to Kurdistan, since that area has some autonomy from the central government of Iraq. In this example, there are restrictions on a non-Kurd’s ability to live in the Kurdish region, and so I doubt that the U.S. government could demonstrate that internal relocation is possible, but they might make that argument.

A more unclear situation exists where the asylum applicant suffered past persecution from a non-state actor. Here, there exists a presumption that internal relocation is not possible. However, given the Acting USCIS Director’s admonition, I imagine that Asylum Officers will be encouraged to look more closely at whether such applicants can live safely within their countries.

If you are concerned about internal relocation, what can you do? Whether the burden is on you or on the government, it is a good idea to submit evidence that internal relocation is impossible. This is relatively easy where the government is the persecutor and controls the entirety of the nation’s territory. In other cases, where the persecutor is a non-state actor, things become more complicated.

The “internal relocation” analysis is really a two-step process: First, is it possible to relocate within the country and avoid persecution? And second, is internal relocation reasonable under all the circumstances? Based on this framework, the first thing to do is to submit evidence that the persecutor can reach you anywhere in the country. Typically, that would be country reports or news articles showing that, for example, gang members or terrorists are ubiquitous throughout the country. The State Department puts out a crime and safety report, which is often helpful, especially given that the Trump Administration has white-washed country conditions in many of its human rights reports. Other helpful sources include UNHCR RefWorld, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International, to name a few. Of course, if you tried to relocate and the persecutor found you, that would also be important evidence.

If there are places inside your country where the persecutor cannot reach you, you can still avoid an asylum denial by showing that internal relocation is not reasonable. Such a determination is very country specific, but perhaps there is generalized violence that makes it unsafe to relocate, or maybe there are no jobs, or maybe there are cultural issues (like the single woman in Afghanistan). Some countries have laws that prevent people from relocating internally (like the rules in Kurdistan or the propiska in Russia). In other cases, a person’s age or health might make relocation impossible. Whatever the reason, try to obtain evidence in support of your claim.

All this brings us back to Mr. Cuccinelli’s latest pronouncement and his effort to block asylum seekers. He states that asylum would not be necessary for many individuals coming here “if they sought refuge within their home country, particularly given the fact that there are areas that are generally very safe within each of the countries that currently make up the bulk of our credible fear cases.” There is no factual basis for this claim, and in fact, it flies in the face of available country-condition evidence. It is also an insult to the intelligence and independence of the Asylum Officers tasked with implementing our nation’s asylum laws.

In this light, Mr. Cuccinelli’s closing words sound ominous: “The Asylum Division work is very important, and your dedication to the mission has not gone unnoticed.” Is this simply a tepid expression of Mr. Cuccinelli’s appreciation for the Asylum Officers working under him? Or–coming from one who seems determined to undercut the mission of the Asylum Division–is it a warning to those who have the temerity to do their jobs according to the law? At one time, I would have considered this a ridiculous question. These days, I am not so sure.

The End of Asylum as We Know It – Part II

Last time, I wrote about the influx of credible fear applicants and how this is straining the asylum system all across the U.S. Since then, I’ve communicated with attorneys in different parts of the country, and they are confirming that Asylum Offices are interviewing very few asylum applicants anywhere. Instead, they are focusing on credible fear interviews. This means that applicants (including many of my clients) are stuck in what appears to be an indefinite limbo. Thus, the question: Is this the end of the asylum system as we know it?

I have never been accused of being an optimist, but I think the pretty clear answer here is “no.” Or, maybe more accurately, “no, but…” Here’s why:

"Don't worry. The Asylum Office will get to your case before you're my age. Probably."
“Don’t worry. The Asylum Office will get to your case before you’re my age. Probably.”

First, the Asylum Offices are in the process of hiring significant numbers of new officers. It takes time to train the new hires, but even so, we should start seeing their impact within the next six months. In addition, the rumors I’ve been hearing indicate that the Asylum Offices expect to begin shifting resources back to asylum relatively soon (I’ve heard various dates, including October 2013 and January 2014).

Second, the influx at the border will eventually slow down. If my theory (discussed in the prior posting) is correct and the new arrivals are being drawn here by the possibility of immigration reform, that “pull” factor will eventually go away. Either reform will pass or it will be killed by House Republicans. Once the issue is resolved, the added incentives it creates will likely disappear.

Third, and possibly most important, asylum is the law of the land, and there is nothing on the table to change that. Although there are certainly people and groups who would like to curtail or eliminate the asylum program, there really is no organized movement to change the law.

All that being said, I don’t expect that the current problems signal the end of asylum as we know it. However (and here’s the “no, but…” part), I suspect that the current problems will lead to a “new normal” in the asylum system. I also suspect that this new normal will not be as good as the old normal.

For one thing, there is some (disputed) evidence that aliens arriving at the border are becoming more sophisticated about making credible fear claims. Thus, the new normal might involve more resources devoted to credible fear interviews and less devoted to asylum cases (since Asylum Officers currently adjudicate both types of cases). Most likely, since many credible fear applicants are detained (at government expense), DHS will do the fiscally responsible thing and prioritize the credible fear cases. This could lead to increased waiting times for asylum seekers.

In addition, even if the credible fear caseload were resolved today, there would still be a large backlog of pending asylum cases to work through. Assuming no further disruptions, it will probably take years to interview and decide all the backlogged cases. And of course, new cases are coming in all the time.

Also, the world situation has been conspiring to increase the number of people seeking asylum in the U.S. Violence in Mexico is ever on the increase. Our disengagement from Iraq and Afghanistan has caused many people who worked and fought with us to flee for their lives. War in Syria and trouble in Egypt have created new refugee flows.

Finally, legislative and attorney-driven changes in the law have expanded the categories of people eligible for asylum–these days, asylum can be granted to victims of forced family planning, victims of FGM and domestic violence, people persecuted due to their sexual orientation, and people subject to forced marriage. I believe most of these changes are positive and life-saving, but when the number of people eligible for asylum expands, the number of people applying for asylum will likely go up. This further burdens the system. 

All these factors point to a future where asylum cases are adjudicated more slowly than before. So while I don’t believe we are witnessing the end of asylum as we know it, I do think the new normal will be a more difficult environment for people seeking asylum in our country. In the third part of this series, I will discuss some policy responses to this new situation.

The End of Asylum as We Know It?

Last time, I wrote about the Dream 9–nine Dream Act activists who were detained at the border when they tried to enter the U.S. without permission. They were released from detention after DHS determined that they had a credible fear of persecution in their country of nationality, Mexico. The burden of proof for determining whether an alien has a credible fear of persecution is relatively low (lower than the burden of proof to receive asylum). Essentially, if they tell the Asylum Officer that they fear persecution in their home country based on race, religion, nationality, particular social group or political opinion, they will “pass” the interview and, very likely, be released from custody with an order to appear before an Immigration Judge who will later decide their asylum claim. The danger is that aliens who can legitimately (or fraudulently) show a credible fear of persecution, but who have little chance of receiving asylum, will overwhelm the system. That has not really been a major problem in the past. But as Don Ameche says, “Things Change.”

Here are some recent statistics from the Department of Homeland Security:

Fiscal Year

Number of Credible Fear Cases Completed

2009

5,523

2010

8,926

2011

11,716

2012

13,607

2013

22,775

So you can see that over the last several years, the number of credible fear cases has been steadily rising, but this year, FY 2013, there has been a significant increase (and remember that FY 2013 is not yet done–these statistics only cover the first three quarters of the year). The numbers look even more dramatic when we look at FY 2013 month by month:

Month in FY 2013

Number of Credible Fear Cases Completed

October

1,596

November

1,242

December

1,603

January

1,795

February

1,921

March

2,139

April

3,124

May

3,336

June

3,776

Comparing October to June (the most recent month where statistics are available), you can see that the monthly numbers have more than doubled. While this is pretty dramatic, remember that these numbers are for cases completed; not for new cases. It seems that DHS has shifted resources to the credible fear arena, so it is certainly possible that some of the increase is explained by DHS completing more cases. Nevertheless, something is clearly going on. So what is it?

It seems the system is one wafer thin mi(gra)nt away from bursting.
It seems the system is one wafer thin mi(gra)nt away from bursting.

The most obvious explanation (and one that other commentators and I have discussed before) is that escalating violence in Mexico is driving people to the U.S. But this appears not to be the case. If you look at the top five source countries for credible fear applicants, Mexico has been consistently either number 4 or number 5, and for the last three months (April to June), it has dropped off the list. A recent report from Fox News claims that Mexicans are crossing in large numbers and claiming that they have a credible fear of persecution. While Fox is not always the most reliable source (and their report has been called into question), the report is from last week, and so we won’t have the DHS statistics for a couple months. It would not be too surprising if violence in Mexico is one reason for the increasing number of credible fear cases, but–at least based on the statistical data we have now–that does not seem to be a factor.

Another, more likely, explanation is that all the talk of immigration reform is spurring people to come to the U.S. in the hope of taking advantage of any “amnesty.” The smugglers who encourage people to come illegally to the United States are not stupid. My guess is that they are convincing their “clientele” that anyone who reaches our country prior to the reform will obtain residency. This is almost certainly false (even assuming that some type of bill passes), but that does not stop unscrupulous smugglers from using the immigration reform debate as a selling point. And why not? We are already seeing organizations in the U.S. trying to make money before the reform has even passed (check out this website, which purports to know what the reform will be, what the fees will be, and will charge you a mere $3,000.00 + $2,500.00 in fees to Get Started Now!).

Further evidence that smugglers are driving the increase in arrivals can be found by examining the source countries. For FY 2013, the top three source countries were El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The numbers from all those countries have increased significantly from October 2012 to June 2013: El Salvador went from 586 per month to 1,410 per month, Honduras went from 435 to 815, and Guatemala went from 308 to 606. Another country, India, did not appear on the top five list until March, when it debuted at number 4 with 174 credible fear interviews. By June, the last month when data is available, India had moved to the number 3 spot, with 741 arrivals (AILA members can see all these stats here). Compare this to FY 2012, when a grand total of 377 Indian nationals were granted asylum. To me, the sudden surge from multiple countries indicates that “pull” factors (i.e., the immigration reform debate) are playing a larger role than “push” factors (problems in the source countries). 

The increasing number of people arriving in the United States and expressing a credible fear of persecution is straining the entire asylum system (the same officers who adjudicate asylum cases also do credible fear interviews). At my local Asylum Office (Arlington, VA), for example, the interview process has basically ground to a halt.  I have over 25 asylum seekers waiting for interviews, and only one case scheduled for an interview (which was set for Rosh HaShana–thanks a lot, ZAR). So, is this the end of the U.S. asylum system as we know it? I will discuss that in the next posting.